While Western and Asian nations have long refined their legislative processes to meet contemporary demands, African parliaments are steadily adapting their frameworks to foster inclusive governance, digital efficiency, and socio-political stability. This transformation signifies a profound evolution in Africa’s democratic institutions as they strive to overcome historical challenges and align with global best practices.

READ ALSO: African Parliamentary Networks: Cooperation and Challenges

A global perspective reveals that parliamentary evolution is often driven by economic imperatives, citizen engagement, and technological advancements. According to the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU), more than 68% of national parliaments worldwide have digitised their operations, enabling virtual sessions, e-legislation, and real-time public participation. In the United States, Congress has incorporated artificial intelligence (AI) into legislative drafting and policy analysis, expediting decision-making processes. Similarly, the European Parliament has adopted stringent transparency measures, allowing citizens to scrutinise legislative proceedings through open-access platforms.

In Asia, Singapore’s e-Parliament initiative exemplifies how digital governance can enhance legislative efficiency. However, Africa’s legislative landscape presents a unique case. As of 2023, only 40% of African parliaments had fully digitised legislative processes, with South Africa, Rwanda, and Kenya leading the way in adopting e-governance tools. The continent faces significant gaps in technological infrastructure, legal reforms, and parliamentary independence, yet several case studies highlight commendable progress.

African parliaments are increasingly asserting themselves in governance, addressing contemporary challenges such as youth unemployment, climate change, and cybersecurity. In Nigeria, the National Assembly’s passage of the Start-Up Act in 2022 illustrates how legislative bodies are fostering innovation-led economic growth. The law, aimed at supporting tech entrepreneurs, aligns Nigeria with global trends in digital economy policies.

Meanwhile, Ghana’s parliament has played a crucial role in enacting policies to curb illegal mining, tackling environmental degradation through strict legal frameworks. Rwanda’s parliament has gone further by leveraging artificial intelligence to streamline legislative research and deliberations, setting a precedent for digital governance across the continent. These examples indicate that African legislatures are not only responding to present challenges but are also shaping the future of governance through proactive policymaking.

One of the most critical areas of parliamentary evolution in Africa is electoral reform. Historically, electoral disputes have plagued many African democracies, undermining stability and development. However, there is a growing trend of legislative interventions to ensure free, fair, and credible elections. Kenya’s 2022 electoral process, largely upheld as transparent, was significantly influenced by legal frameworks established by the Kenyan Parliament. By integrating biometric voter registration and real-time results transmission, Kenya’s legislature demonstrated how legal innovation could enhance electoral integrity. In contrast, Zimbabwe’s parliament has struggled to implement comprehensive electoral reforms, highlighting the uneven progress in democratic evolution across the continent.

Security legislation has also taken centre stage as African nations grapple with terrorism, cyber threats, and cross-border conflicts. The rise of militant groups such as Boko Haram in Nigeria, Al-Shabaab in Somalia, and armed insurgencies in the Sahel region has prompted legislative bodies to enact stringent counterterrorism laws. Nigeria’s 2011 Anti-Terrorism Act, which has undergone multiple amendments, showcases how parliaments are adapting to evolving security challenges. Similarly, the African Union’s (AU) emphasis on legislative collaboration among member states to combat terrorism reflects the growing role of parliaments in regional security frameworks.

Economic governance is another defining aspect of Africa’s parliamentary transformation. With the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) agreement in full swing, legislative bodies across the continent are harmonising trade policies to facilitate seamless intra-African commerce. According to the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA), AfCFTA could boost intra-African trade by 52% by 2025, provided that national parliaments align their legislative frameworks with regional economic goals. South Africa’s parliament has played a leading role in aligning national policies with AfCFTA objectives, demonstrating the potential of legislative harmonisation in fostering economic growth.

Beyond economic and security concerns, African parliaments are addressing gender inclusivity and human rights. Countries such as Rwanda and Ethiopia have set global benchmarks in gender representation, with women holding over 60% and 50% of parliamentary seats, respectively. This shift signifies a broader recognition of gender equity as a legislative priority. However, challenges remain, as nations like Sudan and the Democratic Republic of the Congo struggle with restrictive policies that hinder women’s political participation.

As African parliaments continue to evolve, the key to sustained progress lies in institutional strengthening, technological integration, and regional cooperation. Lessons drawn from global legislative trends can serve as a blueprint for Africa’s parliamentary future. While significant strides have been made, the road ahead requires deliberate reforms, robust public engagement, and unwavering commitment to democratic principles. In an era defined by unprecedented challenges and opportunities, Africa’s legislatures stand at the crossroads of transformation, poised to redefine governance for generations to come.

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Ethnic and religious divisions can be traced back to pre-colonial times, but contemporary tensions stem largely from the arbitrary borders drawn by European colonial powers. These borders often disregarded ethnic and cultural boundaries, forcing the amalgamation of historically rival groups. Colonial powers such as Britain, France, and Belgium employed a “divide and rule” strategy in countries like Rwanda, Burundi, and Nigeria, deliberately pitting ethnic groups against each other to maintain political dominance and control over resources.

READ ALSO: Ethnic and tribal dynamics in African politics: Effects on National Harmony

In many African countries, ethnic identity is closely tied to political affiliation, and the acquisition of power is often perceived as a zero-sum game. This has exacerbated ethnic tensions, with groups vying for control of state institutions and resources, particularly in countries where governance is weak or corrupt. Sudan provides a stark example, where conflict has been shaped by both ethnic and religious differences. The predominantly Arab Muslim north was in prolonged conflict with the African Christian and animist south, and even after South Sudan gained independence in 2011, ethnic violence continues to plague both nations as rival groups compete for political and economic control.

Religion has also played a role in exacerbating inter-group violence. Although Africa has a long history of religious coexistence, particularly in cosmopolitan urban areas, religion has increasingly been politicised and used as a tool for mobilisation in conflicts. In Nigeria, the religious divide has contributed to recurrent violence, including the deadly insurgency by the Islamist group Boko Haram. The group has targeted Christians, government institutions, and anyone opposing their vision, displacing millions and deepening religious rifts within the country.

In the Central African Republic (CAR), violent religious conflict erupted between Christian and Muslim militias in 2013. The largely Muslim Séléka rebel group overthrew the government, prompting the formation of the Christian Anti-Balaka militia in retaliation. The ensuing violence resulted in massacres, ethnic cleansing, and widespread atrocities, illustrating how religious identity can be manipulated by armed groups to incite violence and deepen societal divides.

Economic factors play a significant role in fuelling ethnic and religious violence. Competition for resources such as land, water, and minerals often exacerbates existing tensions. In the Sahel region, where desertification and climate change have worsened resource scarcity, ethnic and religious groups frequently clash over access to arable land and water sources. The conflict between Fulani herders and sedentary farming communities in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger demonstrates how environmental stress can escalate pre-existing tensions into violent confrontations.

The exploitation of natural resources, such as oil and minerals, has also been a major catalyst for violent competition between ethnic groups in countries like the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and the Republic of the Congo. Armed groups, often backed by foreign interests, engage in resource wars, while local communities are forced into violent allegiances to protect their land and wealth.

Foreign powers have frequently played a role in deepening these conflicts, either for strategic reasons or to gain access to natural resources. Arms trading, political interference, and support for authoritarian regimes have fuelled conflicts that pit ethnic or religious groups against each other. In Somalia, the United States and other Western countries have supported the government in its battle against militant groups like al-Shabaab. In Libya and Sudan, foreign intervention in civil wars has often exacerbated ethnic and religious divisions, further destabilising already fragile nations.

A crucial step toward mitigating these conflicts is the strengthening of democratic institutions that promote inclusivity, equality, and the rule of law. By ensuring that all ethnic and religious groups have a stake in the political process, African countries can begin to address the root causes of division and violence. Some nations, such as Rwanda after the 1994 genocide, have made significant strides in rebuilding trust among communities. Rwanda’s emphasis on national unity, reconciliation, and economic development has provided a model for other countries grappling with the aftermath of ethnic violence.

Ethnic and religious divisions have undoubtedly played a central role in fuelling inter-group violence in Africa. While these conflicts are deeply rooted in the continent’s history, there are numerous examples of reconciliation, cooperation, and progress. If African nations can build strong, inclusive institutions, promote dialogue between divided groups, and address the root causes of inequality and poverty, there is hope that the continent can move toward a future free from violence based on ethnicity and religion.

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Private military outfits provide a range of services to African states, including combat training, intelligence gathering, and logistical support. Some governments employ them to bolster their armies, while others rely on them to secure private investments such as mining operations and oil fields. Reports indicate that the use of private military companies (PMCs) in Africa has surged by over 60% in the past decade, underscoring their growing influence on the continent’s security landscape.

READ ALSO: A Deep Dive into Africa’s Security Challenges: Threats and Solutions

This rise in private security forces coincides with an increase in global military spending. In 2023, world military expenditure reached a record-breaking $2.44 trillion, marking a 6.8% rise—the steepest year-on-year increase since 2009. Africa’s share of this spending stood at $51.6 billion, reflecting a 22% increase from 2022 and a 1.5% rise compared to 2014. These numbers highlight the growing militarisation of the continent, where both national armies and private security forces are playing increasingly significant roles in shaping security dynamics.

How Mercenaries Profit from Chaos

War is big business, and nowhere is this truer than in Africa. According to a report by the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation (CSVR), the global private security industry is worth over $200 billion, with a significant portion of that revenue flowing into conflict-ridden African states. A Business Research Insights report values the private security market at $247.75 billion in 2024, projected to reach $385.32 billion by 2032, growing at a compound annual growth rate (CAGR) of 5.7%.

In Libya, the Russian paramilitary group Wagner has provided direct combat support to various factions, altering the course of the civil war. The Wagner Group, also active in the Central African Republic (CAR) and Sudan, has been accused of human rights violations, including summary executions and forced labour, as documented by Amnesty International. A force of about 1,200 to 2,000 Wagner operatives, along with some 300 elite Rwandan troops, reportedly halted the Coalition of Patriots for Change (CPC) rebel army from capturing Bangui.

The extractive industries are a primary battleground for these shadow forces. Reports from Global Witness reveal that over 70% of conflicts in resource-rich African nations are linked to control over lucrative commodities such as gold, diamonds, and rare minerals. PMCs operating in Sierra Leone during the 1990s were instrumental in securing diamond mines, while in present-day Mozambique, mercenary groups have been hired to combat Islamist insurgents threatening the liquefied natural gas industry.

The Good Side of Shadow Forces: Security, Trade, and Political Protection

While often associated with instability, mercenaries and militias also play a crucial role in securing territories and stabilising fragile states. In several African countries, PMCs have successfully reinforced government forces, enabling them to counter insurgencies and restore order in volatile regions.

In Mozambique, private military firms were contracted to combat jihadist groups in Cabo Delgado, helping to reclaim key towns from insurgent control. Similarly, in Nigeria, mercenaries have been instrumental in the fight against Boko Haram, complementing the efforts of the national army. These shadow forces, although controversial, provide essential training and logistical support to government forces, strengthening their capacity to combat terrorism and organised crime.

Beyond security, these forces also protect vital trade routes, ensuring the safe transportation of goods and resources in areas prone to banditry and militancy. Some PMCs work alongside African governments to safeguard critical infrastructure, including mining sites and energy installations, fostering economic stability in regions that would otherwise be overrun by violence.

Moreover, in countries with fragile political systems, some militias and private forces have played a stabilising role, offering protection to politicians and high-ranking officials. In the Central African Republic, security firms have safeguarded government leaders against attempted coups, while in South Sudan, private security outfits have been used to protect foreign diplomats and investors.

State Power or Shadow Power?

Mercenaries and militias do not merely operate in the background; they often hold the levers of power. African politicians have increasingly relied on these forces to maintain control, sometimes at the expense of national sovereignty.
In the Central African Republic, Russian mercenaries have not only provided security services but have also shaped government policies. According to a UN report, military advisors linked to the Wagner Group have gained control over key government security structures, dictating the actions of the national army.

Similarly, in Sudan, paramilitary forces such as the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) have evolved from militias into political powerhouses. The RSF, which emerged from the notorious Janjaweed militia, has been involved in the country’s gold trade, amassing wealth and political influence. As the Sudanese crisis continues, the role of such groups in governance is a stark reminder of how shadow forces are redefining state authority.

Security or Instability?

While some argue that private military contractors provide much-needed stability in weak states, their presence often exacerbates conflict. The presence of foreign mercenaries can prolong wars, as seen in Libya, where external actors have prevented a decisive resolution to the ongoing strife.

Studies have found that in regions where PMCs operate, there is a 45% higher chance of prolonged conflict compared to those relying solely on national security forces. Moreover, human rights organisations, including Human Rights Watch, have raised alarms over the widespread abuses committed by these forces, from torture to civilian massacres.

Can the Shadow Forces Be Tamed?

The reliance on mercenaries and militias highlights deep-rooted structural weaknesses in African governance and security frameworks. If Africa is to curb the growing influence of these shadow forces, several measures must be considered. Strengthening national military institutions, enhancing regional cooperation, and enforcing stricter regulations on PMCs are essential steps.

The African Union has made some efforts in this regard, including the 1977 OAU Convention for the Elimination of Mercenarism in Africa. However, enforcement remains weak, and new strategies are required to tackle modern forms of private military influence.

Ultimately, Africa must decide whether to continue outsourcing its security to shadow forces or reclaim control over its destiny. The struggle is not merely about military power but about the sovereignty of nations and the future stability of the continent. As conflicts persist, one truth remains undeniable: those who control the guns often control the gold, the government, and the future of entire nations.

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African leaders have made multiple commitments at continental and international levels. One of these commitments is the Bamako Declaration of December 2000, where ministers of African Union (then OAU) member states met in Mali to develop a common position on arms control ahead of the 2001 United Nations Conference on the Illicit Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons.

READ ALSO: Africa’s Progress in Muzzling Illicit Small Arms and Light Weapons 

This declaration recognised the deep-seated challenges posed by arms circulation across Africa, acknowledging progress made at national and regional levels while also highlighting gaps that continue to fuel instability. Various sub-regional initiatives have since emerged, such as the ECOWAS Moratorium of 1998, the Nairobi Protocol of 2000, and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) Firearms Protocol, each aimed at reducing arms trafficking and enforcing stricter controls.

Despite these efforts, statistics reveal a grim reality. According to the Small Arms Survey, an estimated 40 million, approximately 80% of small arms and light weapons, are in circulation across Africa, with a significant proportion in the hands of non-state actors. The widespread availability of these weapons has fuelled conflicts in regions such as the Sahel, the Horn of Africa, and the Great Lakes, exacerbating humanitarian crises.

The survey also estimates that of the one billion firearms in global circulation as of 2017, 857 million (85 percent) are in civilian hands, 133 million (13 percent) are in military arsenals, and 23 million (2 percent) are owned by law enforcement agencies. The new studies suggest that the global stockpile has increased over the past decade, largely due to civilian holdings, which grew from 650 million in 2006 to 857 million in 2017.

The Weight of Data

Statistically, Africa’s struggle with arms control is paradoxical. While most governments impose strict firearm regulations, conflict zones remain saturated with illegal weapons. The United Nations Office for Disarmament Affairs (UNODA) reports that Africa loses over $18 billion annually to armed conflicts fuelled by small arms proliferation. The illicit arms trade is rampant in regions like the Sahel, the Horn of Africa, and Central Africa, with Nigeria, Sudan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), and Libya being among the worst hit by armed violence. In West Africa alone, 7 out of 10 violent deaths are linked to small arms, according to the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). The irony is clear: stringent gun laws have not deterred arms from reaching criminal networks, insurgents, and even government-backed militias.

The Gun and the People: Lessons from Pro-Arms Nations

The argument for self-defence is a recurring one. Proponents of gun rights point to nations like the United States and Switzerland, where firearm ownership is embedded in legal and cultural traditions. However, the results have been mixed. In the U.S., where there are more guns than people (approximately 393 million civilian-owned guns), gun-related violence remains a significant issue, with over 45,000 gun deaths recorded in 2022 alone. In contrast, Switzerland, which has one of the highest gun ownership rates in Europe, records fewer than 300 gun-related deaths annually due to stringent background checks and responsible ownership policies.

For Africa, the challenge is unique. Countries like South Africa and Kenya have experimented with relatively relaxed firearm laws, but the results have been alarming. In South Africa, where there are more than 2.3 million registered civilian gun owners, violent crime has remained high, with over 7000 murders recorded in 2019/2020, according to the South African Police Service. In contrast, Kenya, which has a strict licensing system, still faces threats from armed groups like Al-Shabaab, raising doubts about whether arms control truly equates to national security.

Armed for Defence

Despite strict regulations, African governments themselves rely heavily on weapons to maintain control and fight insurgencies. Countries like Nigeria and Burkina Faso have armed civilian militias to combat groups like Boko Haram and jihadist factions. In Nigeria’s northeast, the government has armed over 30,000 Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF) members to counter Boko Haram, a policy that has had mixed results, reducing some attacks but also leading to reports of extrajudicial killings and human rights abuses. Similarly, Ethiopia’s Tigray conflict saw the distribution of weapons to local forces, fuelling more violence rather than resolving conflict. The contradiction is glaring; while governments disarm civilians, they simultaneously use firearms to fortify their rule.

A Self-Fulfilling Prophecy

A close look at historical events reveals a troubling pattern: nations that enforce extreme arms control often become fertile ground for oppression and unchecked government power. In Rwanda before the 1994 genocide, the Hutu-led government restricted Tutsi access to weapons, making them defenceless against state-backed militias. The same scenario played out in Sudan’s Darfur region, where government-supported militias carried out ethnic cleansing against unarmed communities. When citizens lack the means to defend themselves, oppressive regimes and armed groups gain the upper hand, turning arms control into a self-fulfilling prophecy of violence.

Balancing Security and Rights

The debate over arms control in Africa boils down to one fundamental dilemma: security versus freedom. While governments argue that restricting gun ownership is necessary for national stability, data suggest that such policies often fail to curb violence. Instead, they sometimes empower regimes to suppress opposition and leave citizens vulnerable to crime and insurgency.

To navigate this complex issue, African leaders must strike a balance between arms regulation and human rights. Policies should focus on tackling the illicit arms trade, enforcing accountability, and ensuring that security forces are held to human rights standards. More importantly, governments must acknowledge that disarmament, if done selectively, breeds resentment and weakens trust between the state and its citizens. If Africa is to truly control its weapons problem, it must do so with a policy of fairness, transparency, and respect for fundamental freedoms, not as a means to consolidate power.

The Future of Arms Control in Africa

With Africa’s history of conflict and political instability, arms control remains one of the most sensitive policy areas on the continent. However, the lessons from both arms-permissive and arms-restrictive nations indicate that extreme policies, whether in favour of gun rights or against them, lead to unintended consequences.

A future where Africans are both secure and free will require governments to tackle corruption in arms deals, eliminate favouritism in gun licensing, and create transparent policies that serve national interests without compromising human rights. Until then, the question of whether arms control is a threat to human rights or a necessary evil for national interest will remain a debate with no easy answers.

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Education Under Siege in Africa

Africa’s struggle to protect education from attacks is longstanding. The continent has witnessed the deliberate targeting of schools and educational institutions, transforming places of learning into zones of conflict. During apartheid in South Africa, education was used as a tool of oppression, with black schools underfunded and often attacked. Today, violent extremist groups such as Boko Haram in Nigeria, Al-Shabaab in Somalia, and armed militias in countries like the Central African Republic and Mali continue to exploit education as a symbol of state authority, with devastating impacts.

According to the Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack (GCPEA), between 2020 and 2021, there were over 2,000 recorded attacks on educational institutions across Africa. These attacks not only result in the destruction of infrastructure but also displace students and teachers, destabilising communities. In Nigeria alone, hundreds of students have been kidnapped, with one of the most notorious incidents being the 2014 abduction of 276 schoolgirls from Chibok by Boko Haram. The United Nations reports that in the past decade, conflict-related violence has led to more than 1,680 children being abducted while at school or elsewhere; 180 children killed due to attacks on schools; an estimated 60 school staff kidnapped, with 14 killed; and over 70 attacks on schools. This tragedy brought global attention to the vulnerability of schools in conflict zones, particularly for students.

The Human Cost of Attacks on Education

The ripple effects of these attacks on education extend far beyond immediate physical damage. Each time a school is attacked, children lose access to their one opportunity to break the cycle of poverty and build a better future. Schools are often forced to close, leaving children out of the classroom for years. Consequently, generations are deprived of education, leading to higher rates of unemployment, crime, and poverty. The loss of education also threatens the long-term development and peace of African nations.

The situation is particularly dire for girls. In conflict zones across Africa, girls face the added threat of gender-based violence, exploitation, and early marriage when schools are unsafe. According to UNICEF, for every 10 boys out of school in conflict-affected areas, there are 12 girls. This growing gender disparity highlights the urgent need for targeted measures to ensure that girls, in particular, can access safe education.

Global Efforts to Protect Education in Africa

International organisations have played a critical role in addressing the crisis of attacks on education in Africa. They work alongside governments, local communities, and other stakeholders to provide emergency support and develop long-term strategies for protecting schools.

UNICEF: The United Nations Children’s Fund has led education initiatives in conflict-affected regions. In northern Nigeria, UNICEF established temporary learning spaces and distributed materials to keep education going, even in areas where violence has displaced thousands of families. Similar efforts are underway in countries like South Sudan and the Democratic Republic of Congo, where ongoing conflicts have devastated educational systems.

Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack (GCPEA): The GCPEA documents and reports attacks on education worldwide, with a particular focus on conflict-prone regions like Africa. Their annual reports provide crucial data for policymakers and advocates. The GCPEA also promotes the Safe Schools Declaration, encouraging governments to commit to protecting educational institutions from military use during conflicts.

UNESCO: The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) has been instrumental in advancing education in Africa through initiatives like the Education Cannot Wait programme. This initiative focuses on emergency education for children affected by conflict, ensuring that displaced and vulnerable children have access to safe learning environments.

This is particularly alarming given that Africa has one of the youngest populations in the world. Over 70% of the continent’s population is under the age of 25, meaning the future of Africa depends on its ability to provide education to its youth. If education continues to be under attack, Africa risks losing the next generation of leaders, innovators, and skilled workers.

Voices of Advocacy: Global Leaders Speak Out

Key figures in the global education sector have emphasised the importance of protecting education, particularly in regions affected by conflict. UN Secretary-General António Guterres has called education “a lifeline” for children in conflict zones, stating, “Protecting schools from attacks is not only a moral obligation but a necessity for building peaceful and resilient societies.”

UNESCO Director-General Audrey Azoulay has also underscored the importance of education for long-term development: “Education is the foundation for peace, development, and prosperity. Attacks on schools are an attack on the future of entire societies, particularly in regions like Africa, where education holds the key to unlocking the continent’s potential.”

Key Strategies for Securing Education in Africa

Protecting education in Africa requires a multifaceted approach involving governments, international organisations, local communities, and civil society. To secure safe learning environments for African students, the following recommendations must be implemented:

Adopt and Enforce Legal Protections: African governments must adopt and fully implement the Safe Schools Declaration, committing to protect schools during armed conflict. Legal frameworks should also be strengthened to ensure that those responsible for attacks on education are held accountable.

Increase Funding for Education in Emergencies: International donors should prioritise funding for education in conflict-affected areas. This includes rebuilding destroyed schools, providing psychological support for traumatised students, and creating safe spaces for learning in regions where violence is ongoing.

Community Engagement and Resilience: Local communities must play an active role in safeguarding education. By involving parents, community leaders, and students in security efforts, schools can be better protected. Programmes like community-led school watch initiatives and peace education can reduce the risk of attacks.

READ  ALSO: International Day of Charity: Tackling Poverty, Education, and Health in Africa

Focus on Girls’ Education: Governments and international organisations must prioritise the protection of girls in conflict zones. This includes developing specific programmes to ensure girls can access education safely and without fear of violence or exploitation.

Address Root Causes of Conflict: Long-term solutions to protect education must focus on addressing the root causes of conflict in Africa, including poverty, political instability, and inequality. Peacebuilding and inclusive development strategies are essential for creating environments where education can thrive.

The International Day to Protect Education from Attack is a call to action for the global community, particularly for Africa. As conflicts continue to disrupt education across the continent, protecting schools, students, and teachers must be an urgent priority. By working together, governments, international organisations, and communities can ensure that African children have access to the safe, quality education they need to build a brighter, more peaceful future.

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According to the Department of Homeland Security, the decision to grant a deportation relief will apply to Cameroonians living in the United States by April 14 and will last for 18 months.

According to the department, approximately 12,000 Cameroonians will be eligible for the status.

President Joe Biden has championed the Temporary Protected Status (TPS) program, which allows immigrants who cannot return to their home countries due to unusual circumstances such as armed war or natural disasters to remain in the United States and work.

In a statement announcing the measure, Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas noted the conflict and increased attacks in Cameroon by the insurgent group, Boko Haram.

Over the last year, violence against the military forces in Cameroon’s western regions has increased as Anglophone rebels fighting the French-speaking government have increased their use of explosive devices.

Between 2019 and 2021, according to a Human Rights Watch report released in February, Cameroonian authorities subjected scores of asylum applicants deported by the US to human rights breaches, including arbitrary arrest and torture.

Biden, a Democrat, has significantly increased TPS membership, which his Republican predecessor, then-President Donald Trump, had mostly tried to reduce.

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Boko Haram fighters and its splinter Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) group have been battling the Nigerian army for more than a decade in a conflict that has sucked in neighbouring states.

Multinational Joint Task Force spokesman, Colonel Muhammad Dole, said troops had ventured deep into enclaves controlled by insurgents in the Lake Chad area and recovered several weapons, food and illicit drugs.

“Within the period of this operation, well over a hundred terrorists have been neutralised, including over 10 top commanders … following intelligence-driven lethal airstrikes in the Lake Chad islands by the combined air task-forces,” Dole said.

Dole did not give the period covered by the operation, or the number of troops killed but said 18 soldiers were injured by improvised explosive devices planted by retreating insurgents.

The Islamist insurgency is concentrated in the northeast of Nigeria and has left thousands dead while driving millions from their homes into camps for internally displaced persons.

Nigeria received a boost after the United States approved a nearly $1 billion weapons sale last week. U.S. lawmakers had put a hold on the deal over concerns about possible human rights abuses by the Nigerian government.

Boko Haram has been on the back foot since the death of its leader, Abubakar Shekau, last year in May during a battle with rival ISWAP.

Nigeria says thousands of Boko Haram fighters and their families have surrendered since last year.

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Nigeria is facing mounting pressure to find some 200 schoolgirls abducted 1,000 days ago in Boko Haram’s most infamous attack after the rescue of 24 girls raised hopes that they are alive.

For more than two years there was no sign of the girls who were kidnapped by the Islamist fighters from a school in Chibok in northeast Nigeria one night in April 2014, sparking global outrage and a celebrity-backed campaign #bringbackourgirls.

But the discovery of one of the girls with a baby last May fuelled hopes for their safety, with a further two girls found in later months and a group of 21 released in October in a deal brokered by Switzerland and the International Red Cross. For parents like Rebecca Joseph the return home of the group of 21 girls at Christmas was a bitter-sweet celebration. [nL5N1EI20W]

Her daughter, Elizabeth, is one of an estimated 195 girls still held captive by the jihadist group, which has tried to force some of them to convert to Islam and to marry their captors.

“I am happy that some of the girls are returning home even though my own daughter is not among them,” Joseph told the Thomson Reuters Foundation in the town of Chibok in Borno state.

“My prayer is that my daughter and the rest of the girls will be rescued and returned to their families safe.”

With last weekend marking 1,000 days since the girls were abducted, President Muhammadu Buhari said he remained committed to ensuring the abducted schoolgirls are reunited with their families “as soon as practicable”.

“We are hopeful that many more will still return,” said Buhari, who came to power in 2015 and replaced a government criticised for not doing enough to find the missing girls.

“The tears never dry, the ache is in our hearts,” he said in a statement.

The Nigerian government said last month that it was involved in negotiations aimed at securing the release of some of the girls as the army captured a key Boko Haram camp, the militant group’s last enclave in the vast Sambisa forest. [nL5N1EH5BW]

The exact number of Chibok girls still in captivity is believed to be 195 but it has been hard to pin down an exact number since the girls went missing.

Academics and security experts say it may be a huge challenge to obtain the girls’ freedom given the significance of the abduction for Boko Haram, which has killed about 15,000 people in its seven-year insurgency to set up an Islamic state.

“Outside Nigeria, the Chibok girls have come to symbolise the Boko Haram conflict,” said Sola Tayo, an associate fellow at the London-based think tank Chatham House.

“The global outrage generated by their captivity has added to their value to the insurgents,” she added, adding that they were also significant to Buhari because he made their release a key campaign pledge before his 2015 election.

The government said in October that it had not swapped Boko Haram fighters or paid a ransom for the release of the 21 girls but several security analysts said it was implausible that the Islamist group would have let the girls go for nothing.

“To secure the release of the remaining girls would require concessions by the Nigerian government, which could reverse significant gains it has made against Boko Haram,” said Ryan Cummings, director of risk management consultancy Signal Risk.

“In addition to detainees, Boko Haram may also demand supplies, weapons, vehicles and even money which they could use to recalibrate and invigorate their armed campaign against the Nigerian state.”

One of the major obstacles to securing the release of all of the Chibok girls who remain in captivity is the deep divisions emerging within Boko Haram, said Freedom Onuoha, a security analyst and lecturer at the University of Nigeria in Nsukka.

The militants split last year with one faction moving away from the group’s established figurehead Abubakar Shekau over his failure to adhere to guidance from Islamic State to which Boko Haram pledged allegiance in 2015. [nL1N19D23I]

It is unclear how many Chibok girls are held by the main faction led by Shekau, thought to be based in the Sambisa, and by the Islamic State-allied splinter group – headed by Abu Musab al-Barnawi and believed to operate in the Lake Chad area.

“It will be difficult to release most of the remaining girls as each faction will maintain a strong hold on them and would negotiate with state officials on their own terms,” said Onuoha.

While the deal to free the 21 girls was seen as a huge boost for the government’s assertions that it would soon bring home the others, a lack of progress since then has seen public hopes dwindle and frustrations arise, academics said.

Although Nigeria has driven Boko Haram out of most of the territory it held, its battle against the militants will not be considered over until the fate of all of the Chibok girls is made clear, said Nnamdi Obasi of the International Crisis Group.

“From various indications, it is most unlikely that all the remaining girls will come home alive, but the government owes their parents and the public the fundamental responsibility of accounting for every one of them,” the Nigeria analyst said.

“In the long run, that’s the only way to bring closure to this sad episode.”

By Adaobi Tricia Nwaubani and Kieran Guilbert (REUTERS)

The post Nigeria Faces Mounting Pressure to Rescue Girls Abducted By Boko Haram 1,000 Days Ago appeared first on African Leadership Magazine.

Five Nigerian soldiers and more than 15 Boko Haram fighters were killed when the jihadists attacked an army base in the remote northeast where the group has been fighting for an Islamic state, a military source said on Sunday.

Boko Haram attacked an army brigade in Buni Yadi in Yobe state late on Saturday, an army spokesman said by text message, without giving a casualty figure.

“Five soldiers lost their life in the attack though more than 15 Boko Haram were killed by troops,” the military source said.

Several explosions could be heard on Sunday in Maiduguri, capital of Borno state where Boko Haram started its seven-year insurgency that has killed about 15,000 people and displaced more than 2 million.

Officials or medics were not immediately available to give a casualty figure.

In early 2015, Boko Haram controlled an area about the size of Belgium. It has been pushed out of most of that territory over the past year by Nigeria’s army and troops from neighboring countries, moving to a base in the Sambisa forest.

Last month, the army said it had taken Boko Haram’s key camp in the forest, although the group has staged suicide bombings since then.

Security analysts say the group’s ability to carry out attacks in neighboring Niger, Cameroon and Chad suggests it has multiple bases.

By Reuters

The post Boko Haram Attacks Nigerian Army Base, Five Soldiers Killed-Military Source appeared first on African Leadership Magazine.