As of the latest data, 48 African countries collectively owe approximately USD 42.2 billion to the IMF. This debt accounts for about one-third of the IMF’s total outstanding credit. Since its inception, the IMF has made more than 1,500 loan commitments globally, with approximately 40% (608) directed towards African nations. On average, each African country has accessed IMF resources 12 times, slightly exceeding the global average of 10.

READ ALSO: IMF Global Growth Outlook 2025: Where Does Africa Stand?

Among the largest African borrowers from the IMF, five countries stand out:

Egypt: $15 billion

Côte d’Ivoire: $4.3 billion

Ghana: $4.3 billion

Kenya: $4.1 billion

Angola: $4.1 billion

Together, these nations account for more than 40% of IMF lending to Africa, highlighting the significant reliance on external financial support across the continent.

Exceptional Cases of Financial Independence

In contrast, Botswana, Libya, and Eritrea have successfully navigated their economic paths without IMF loans, preserving their financial autonomy.

Botswana

Botswana exemplifies how sound economic management can lead to financial independence. Through prudent resource allocation and innovative economic strategies, the country has cultivated a stable economy. With a projected GDP growth of 3.6% this year and a population of approximately 2.72 million, Botswana has prioritised investments in education and healthcare while maintaining sustainable management of its diamond resources. These policies have propelled it towards self-reliance.

Libya

Libya’s financial independence is particularly noteworthy, as it has maintained a zero-debt status with the IMF. Historically, the country’s wealth from natural resources, particularly oil, has allowed it to avoid external borrowing. This strategy has enabled Libya to fund public services and infrastructure projects independently, reflecting a robust economic foundation despite ongoing political instability.

Eritrea

Eritrea has also avoided IMF loans, maintaining financial autonomy through strict economic policies and significant control over foreign investments. The nation has prioritised self-sufficiency by promoting domestic industries and agriculture. While this approach has presented challenges, Eritrea has managed to function without external financial support.

Lessons in Financial Self-Reliance

The experiences of Botswana, Libya, and Eritrea provide valuable lessons for other African nations. Their ability to remain independent from the IMF underscores the potential for self-reliant economic management, which is crucial for long-term sustainable growth. By prioritising resource management, investing in human capital, and diversifying economies, other nations may mitigate the risks associated with external debt and reduce dependency on international financial institutions.

While the IMF plays a crucial role in supporting many African economies, the examples of Botswana, Libya, and Eritrea demonstrate that financial independence is attainable. Their economic trajectories highlight the effectiveness of prudent management and innovative strategies in achieving self-sufficiency. As African countries continue to assess their relationships with the IMF, these three nations offer insights that could shape future policies for sustainable economic stability.

The post The IMF’s Role in Africa: Financial Independence of Botswana, Libya, and Eritrea appeared first on African Leadership Magazine.

The “America First” policy

The America First policy, a cornerstone of Donald Trump’s presidency, aimed to prioritise American interests, security, and prosperity above all else. Rooted in populist and nationalist ideologies, it sought to redefine America’s role in the world.

READ ALSO: President Donald Trump May threaten US security Without Intending to

At its core, America First emphasised the need to protect American jobs, industries, and borders. The Trump administration implemented various measures to achieve this goal, including:

Trade protectionism: Imposing tariffs on imported goods to shield American industries and promote domestic production.

Immigration reform: Restricting immigration, particularly from certain countries, to protect American jobs and national security.

Border security: Strengthening border controls, including the construction of a wall along the US-Mexico border.

In terms of foreign policy, America First marked a significant shift away from traditional US leadership in global affairs. Key actions included:

Withdrawal from international agreements: The US exited several agreements, including the Paris Climate Accord and the Trans-Pacific Partnership.

Prioritisation of bilateral relations: The administration focused on building relationships with individual countries rather than participating in multilateral forums.

Emphasis on national sovereignty: The US asserted its independence, often at the expense of international cooperation and institutions.

Critics argued that America First led to increased isolationism, undermined global stability, and damaged relationships with long-standing allies. Supporters, however, viewed it as a necessary correction to years of US overextension and a reassertion of American interests.

Impact on African migration

African migrants were significantly affected by Trump’s immigration policies. The administration’s travel ban targeted several African countries, including Somalia, Sudan, and Libya, and was widely criticised for being discriminatory and ineffective.

The visa bond pilot programme, which required applicants from certain African countries to pay a bond of up to $15,000, further restricted access. Though designed to reduce visa overstays, it effectively barred many Africans from visiting the US.

Economic implications

Trump’s immigration policies had substantial economic consequences for Africa. The reduction in refugee admissions and the travel ban affected not only migrants but also broader economies. Many African countries rely heavily on remittances from diaspora communities, and these policies reduced the flow of funds.

Furthermore, the America First policy led to a decline in US investment in Africa. The administration’s focus on domestic economic growth and job creation resulted in a reduction in foreign aid and investment, negatively impacting African economies. The economic impact of Trump’s deportation policies could be felt in several ways:

Remittances: African immigrants in the US send billions of dollars home each year. Deportations could lead to a decline in these funds, a critical source of income for many families.

Foreign investment: A reduction in US investment could create uncertainty in African economies, discouraging business expansion and foreign partnerships.

Trade: African countries could experience a decline in exports to the US as American businesses become more hesitant to engage in trade.

Human capital: Deportations could result in a loss of skilled and educated individuals, affecting sectors reliant on specialised expertise.

Brain drain: Africa already faces a brain drain problem, and deportations could exacerbate the loss of highly skilled professionals.

Loss of tax revenue: Deportees would no longer contribute to tax bases, potentially straining public resources in their home countries.

Disruption of supply chains: Industries that depend on immigrant labour, such as agriculture and construction, could experience labour shortages.

Some African countries likely to feel the economic impact of Trump’s deportation policies include:

Nigeria: One of the largest recipients of remittances from the US, Nigerians in the US sent over $6 billion home in 2020. Deportations could lead to a significant decline in these remittances. Africa Leadership Magazine reported that over 3,000 Nigerians in the US faced deportation under Trump’s crackdown on illegal immigrants.

Ethiopia: A fast-growing economy with a growing diaspora community in the US, Ethiopia could see a disruption in remittance flows and investment, slowing economic growth.

South Africa: With a substantial diaspora community in the US, South Africa risks losing skilled professionals in finance, technology, and healthcare, affecting economic growth and competitiveness.

Social implications

Trump’s immigration policies also had significant social consequences for Africa. The travel ban and visa restrictions led to a decline in cultural exchange programmes and educational opportunities for African students. This not only affected the students but also had a broader impact on African societies, which rely on education and cultural exchange for development.

Moreover, Trump’s policies contributed to an increase in xenophobia and anti-immigrant sentiment in the US, negatively impacting African diaspora communities, who faced rising discrimination and harassment.

Donald Trump’s immigration policies had far-reaching implications for Africa. The America First policy, travel ban, visa restrictions, and reduction in refugee admissions negatively impacted African migrants, economies, and societies.

As the US continues to grapple with immigration policy, it is essential to consider the broader global implications. A more inclusive and equitable approach to immigration is necessary to foster economic growth, cultural exchange, and social justice.

Global policy experts strongly advise the US government to reconsider its immigration approach, prioritising inclusivity and equity. They advocate for an immediate suspension of the travel ban and visa restrictions while calling for an increase in refugee admissions.

By adopting a more inclusive immigration policy, the US can not only promote economic growth and cultural exchange but also strengthen its role in fostering global stability and cooperation.

The post How Trump’s immigration policy will impact Africa appeared first on African Leadership Magazine.

Ethnic and religious divisions can be traced back to pre-colonial times, but contemporary tensions stem largely from the arbitrary borders drawn by European colonial powers. These borders often disregarded ethnic and cultural boundaries, forcing the amalgamation of historically rival groups. Colonial powers such as Britain, France, and Belgium employed a “divide and rule” strategy in countries like Rwanda, Burundi, and Nigeria, deliberately pitting ethnic groups against each other to maintain political dominance and control over resources.

READ ALSO: Ethnic and tribal dynamics in African politics: Effects on National Harmony

In many African countries, ethnic identity is closely tied to political affiliation, and the acquisition of power is often perceived as a zero-sum game. This has exacerbated ethnic tensions, with groups vying for control of state institutions and resources, particularly in countries where governance is weak or corrupt. Sudan provides a stark example, where conflict has been shaped by both ethnic and religious differences. The predominantly Arab Muslim north was in prolonged conflict with the African Christian and animist south, and even after South Sudan gained independence in 2011, ethnic violence continues to plague both nations as rival groups compete for political and economic control.

Religion has also played a role in exacerbating inter-group violence. Although Africa has a long history of religious coexistence, particularly in cosmopolitan urban areas, religion has increasingly been politicised and used as a tool for mobilisation in conflicts. In Nigeria, the religious divide has contributed to recurrent violence, including the deadly insurgency by the Islamist group Boko Haram. The group has targeted Christians, government institutions, and anyone opposing their vision, displacing millions and deepening religious rifts within the country.

In the Central African Republic (CAR), violent religious conflict erupted between Christian and Muslim militias in 2013. The largely Muslim Séléka rebel group overthrew the government, prompting the formation of the Christian Anti-Balaka militia in retaliation. The ensuing violence resulted in massacres, ethnic cleansing, and widespread atrocities, illustrating how religious identity can be manipulated by armed groups to incite violence and deepen societal divides.

Economic factors play a significant role in fuelling ethnic and religious violence. Competition for resources such as land, water, and minerals often exacerbates existing tensions. In the Sahel region, where desertification and climate change have worsened resource scarcity, ethnic and religious groups frequently clash over access to arable land and water sources. The conflict between Fulani herders and sedentary farming communities in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger demonstrates how environmental stress can escalate pre-existing tensions into violent confrontations.

The exploitation of natural resources, such as oil and minerals, has also been a major catalyst for violent competition between ethnic groups in countries like the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and the Republic of the Congo. Armed groups, often backed by foreign interests, engage in resource wars, while local communities are forced into violent allegiances to protect their land and wealth.

Foreign powers have frequently played a role in deepening these conflicts, either for strategic reasons or to gain access to natural resources. Arms trading, political interference, and support for authoritarian regimes have fuelled conflicts that pit ethnic or religious groups against each other. In Somalia, the United States and other Western countries have supported the government in its battle against militant groups like al-Shabaab. In Libya and Sudan, foreign intervention in civil wars has often exacerbated ethnic and religious divisions, further destabilising already fragile nations.

A crucial step toward mitigating these conflicts is the strengthening of democratic institutions that promote inclusivity, equality, and the rule of law. By ensuring that all ethnic and religious groups have a stake in the political process, African countries can begin to address the root causes of division and violence. Some nations, such as Rwanda after the 1994 genocide, have made significant strides in rebuilding trust among communities. Rwanda’s emphasis on national unity, reconciliation, and economic development has provided a model for other countries grappling with the aftermath of ethnic violence.

Ethnic and religious divisions have undoubtedly played a central role in fuelling inter-group violence in Africa. While these conflicts are deeply rooted in the continent’s history, there are numerous examples of reconciliation, cooperation, and progress. If African nations can build strong, inclusive institutions, promote dialogue between divided groups, and address the root causes of inequality and poverty, there is hope that the continent can move toward a future free from violence based on ethnicity and religion.

The post Ethnic and Religious Divisions Fuelling Inter-Group Violence in Africa appeared first on African Leadership Magazine.

For decades, Africa has been an oil giant, with countries like Nigeria, Angola, Libya, and Algeria serving as energy powerhouses. The continent holds approximately 125 billion barrels of proven crude oil reserves, making up about 7.2% of the world’s total reserves, according to the BP Statistical Review of World Energy 2023. Nigeria alone boasts over 37 billion barrels of reserves, ranking as the 11th largest producer globally.

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Africa is the only continent in the world that is both a net exporter of crude oil and a net importer of petroleum products. African refineries can only refine 3.3 million barrels a day, despite recording a demand of 4.1 million barrels a day by 2020. The refined petroleum products market in Africa is dominated by diesel, gasoline, and LPG.

In 2022, Africa’s oil and gas exports were valued at $471 billion, contributing over 50% of government revenues in major oil-producing countries. Angola, for instance, saw 92% of its total exports in 2021 coming from petroleum, while in Libya, oil accounts for over 95% of total government revenue, according to OPEC’s 2023 Annual Statistical Bulletin. This dependence on oil wealth has long defined economic policy, driving infrastructure development, employment, and foreign investment.

Yet, beneath this wealth lies volatility. The 2014 oil price crash crippled economies across the continent, sending Nigeria and Angola into deep recessions. The World Bank estimated that Nigeria alone lost $30 billion in oil revenue between 2015 and 2017 due to price fluctuations. With the global transition towards cleaner energy sources, reliance on oil wealth increasingly feels like a house built on sand.

The Green Rush

While fossil fuels have powered Africa’s economies for decades, the continent is also blessed with some of the world’s richest renewable energy sources. Africa receives more solar radiation than any other continent, yet it accounts for just 1% of global solar capacity. This underutilization is staggering given that just 0.3% of the Sahara Desert’s solar energy could power the entire world, according to the International Renewable Energy Agency (IRENA).

Investments in renewables are beginning to surge. South Africa, which has long relied on coal, has emerged as the continent’s leader in solar and wind energy, attracting over $10 billion in renewable energy investments in the past decade. Morocco, through its Noor Ouarzazate Solar Complex, boasts the largest concentrated solar power plant in the world, with a capacity of 580 MW. Meanwhile, Kenya’s Lake Turkana Wind Power Project, the largest wind farm in Africa, generates 310 MW, meeting 14% of the country’s energy needs, according to the World Bank.

But financing remains a challenge. While $60 billion in energy investment is needed annually to meet Africa’s growing energy demands, only $5 billion was invested in renewables in 2022, a fraction of what is required, according to the African Development Bank (AfDB). This imbalance underscores a fundamental challenge: despite the promise of green energy, oil still attracts far more capital, due to its immediate financial returns.

The Financial Tug-of-War: Oil Profits vs. Green Investments

The economic battle between fossil fuels and renewables is not just about energy sources; it is about financial sustainability. Oil and gas companies have historically dominated Africa’s energy economy, with $195 billion worth of new fossil fuel projects planned between 2023 and 2030, according to Carbon Tracker. But this path is increasingly risky. The global shift away from fossil fuels means that African countries may find themselves with stranded assets—massive oil and gas infrastructure that no longer holds financial value.

Conversely, renewables offer long-term stability. A 2023 McKinsey & Company report estimated that Africa could generate $200 billion annually from renewable energy exports by 2050 if the right infrastructure is put in place. The European Union, in particular, is looking to Africa to supply green hydrogen, an industry expected to be worth $2.5 trillion globally by 2050.

The Geopolitical Equation: Who Holds the Energy Keys?

Energy is never just about power; it is about politics. Africa’s oil wealth has long attracted international players, from the United States to China, each vying for access to lucrative petroleum reserves. China, for instance, has invested over $50 billion in African oil projects since 2000, while the US has been a dominant buyer of Nigerian crude.

However, with the European Union’s commitment to cutting carbon emissions by 55% by 2030, a new geopolitical shift is underway. Africa is now being courted for its solar, wind, and hydropower potential. The question is whether African nations will leverage this interest to secure better trade deals or continue prioritizing fossil fuel extraction at the risk of being left behind.

The Future

Africa’s energy future is a high-stakes game of risk and reward. While oil remains an economic pillar, its long-term viability is threatened by fluctuating prices and declining global demand. On the other hand, renewables offer stability, sustainability, and economic transformation—but only if the continent can overcome financial and infrastructural barriers.

Countries like Morocco, Kenya, and South Africa are proving that green energy is not just a Western ideal but an African reality. But for the transition to be truly transformative, the entire continent must embrace this shift, prioritizing policies that attract investments in clean energy rather than deepening fossil fuel dependency.

Africa’s energy crossroads is not just about power—it is about prosperity, resilience, and the courage to choose a future that is not just rich in resources but rich in opportunities. Will Africa continue drilling into the past, or will it rise with the sun and the wind, claiming its place as the renewable powerhouse of the world? The answer will define Africa’s energy legacy for generations to come.

The post Green Energy vs. Oil Wealth: Africa’s Energy Crossroads appeared first on African Leadership Magazine.

Private military outfits provide a range of services to African states, including combat training, intelligence gathering, and logistical support. Some governments employ them to bolster their armies, while others rely on them to secure private investments such as mining operations and oil fields. Reports indicate that the use of private military companies (PMCs) in Africa has surged by over 60% in the past decade, underscoring their growing influence on the continent’s security landscape.

READ ALSO: A Deep Dive into Africa’s Security Challenges: Threats and Solutions

This rise in private security forces coincides with an increase in global military spending. In 2023, world military expenditure reached a record-breaking $2.44 trillion, marking a 6.8% rise—the steepest year-on-year increase since 2009. Africa’s share of this spending stood at $51.6 billion, reflecting a 22% increase from 2022 and a 1.5% rise compared to 2014. These numbers highlight the growing militarisation of the continent, where both national armies and private security forces are playing increasingly significant roles in shaping security dynamics.

How Mercenaries Profit from Chaos

War is big business, and nowhere is this truer than in Africa. According to a report by the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation (CSVR), the global private security industry is worth over $200 billion, with a significant portion of that revenue flowing into conflict-ridden African states. A Business Research Insights report values the private security market at $247.75 billion in 2024, projected to reach $385.32 billion by 2032, growing at a compound annual growth rate (CAGR) of 5.7%.

In Libya, the Russian paramilitary group Wagner has provided direct combat support to various factions, altering the course of the civil war. The Wagner Group, also active in the Central African Republic (CAR) and Sudan, has been accused of human rights violations, including summary executions and forced labour, as documented by Amnesty International. A force of about 1,200 to 2,000 Wagner operatives, along with some 300 elite Rwandan troops, reportedly halted the Coalition of Patriots for Change (CPC) rebel army from capturing Bangui.

The extractive industries are a primary battleground for these shadow forces. Reports from Global Witness reveal that over 70% of conflicts in resource-rich African nations are linked to control over lucrative commodities such as gold, diamonds, and rare minerals. PMCs operating in Sierra Leone during the 1990s were instrumental in securing diamond mines, while in present-day Mozambique, mercenary groups have been hired to combat Islamist insurgents threatening the liquefied natural gas industry.

The Good Side of Shadow Forces: Security, Trade, and Political Protection

While often associated with instability, mercenaries and militias also play a crucial role in securing territories and stabilising fragile states. In several African countries, PMCs have successfully reinforced government forces, enabling them to counter insurgencies and restore order in volatile regions.

In Mozambique, private military firms were contracted to combat jihadist groups in Cabo Delgado, helping to reclaim key towns from insurgent control. Similarly, in Nigeria, mercenaries have been instrumental in the fight against Boko Haram, complementing the efforts of the national army. These shadow forces, although controversial, provide essential training and logistical support to government forces, strengthening their capacity to combat terrorism and organised crime.

Beyond security, these forces also protect vital trade routes, ensuring the safe transportation of goods and resources in areas prone to banditry and militancy. Some PMCs work alongside African governments to safeguard critical infrastructure, including mining sites and energy installations, fostering economic stability in regions that would otherwise be overrun by violence.

Moreover, in countries with fragile political systems, some militias and private forces have played a stabilising role, offering protection to politicians and high-ranking officials. In the Central African Republic, security firms have safeguarded government leaders against attempted coups, while in South Sudan, private security outfits have been used to protect foreign diplomats and investors.

State Power or Shadow Power?

Mercenaries and militias do not merely operate in the background; they often hold the levers of power. African politicians have increasingly relied on these forces to maintain control, sometimes at the expense of national sovereignty.
In the Central African Republic, Russian mercenaries have not only provided security services but have also shaped government policies. According to a UN report, military advisors linked to the Wagner Group have gained control over key government security structures, dictating the actions of the national army.

Similarly, in Sudan, paramilitary forces such as the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) have evolved from militias into political powerhouses. The RSF, which emerged from the notorious Janjaweed militia, has been involved in the country’s gold trade, amassing wealth and political influence. As the Sudanese crisis continues, the role of such groups in governance is a stark reminder of how shadow forces are redefining state authority.

Security or Instability?

While some argue that private military contractors provide much-needed stability in weak states, their presence often exacerbates conflict. The presence of foreign mercenaries can prolong wars, as seen in Libya, where external actors have prevented a decisive resolution to the ongoing strife.

Studies have found that in regions where PMCs operate, there is a 45% higher chance of prolonged conflict compared to those relying solely on national security forces. Moreover, human rights organisations, including Human Rights Watch, have raised alarms over the widespread abuses committed by these forces, from torture to civilian massacres.

Can the Shadow Forces Be Tamed?

The reliance on mercenaries and militias highlights deep-rooted structural weaknesses in African governance and security frameworks. If Africa is to curb the growing influence of these shadow forces, several measures must be considered. Strengthening national military institutions, enhancing regional cooperation, and enforcing stricter regulations on PMCs are essential steps.

The African Union has made some efforts in this regard, including the 1977 OAU Convention for the Elimination of Mercenarism in Africa. However, enforcement remains weak, and new strategies are required to tackle modern forms of private military influence.

Ultimately, Africa must decide whether to continue outsourcing its security to shadow forces or reclaim control over its destiny. The struggle is not merely about military power but about the sovereignty of nations and the future stability of the continent. As conflicts persist, one truth remains undeniable: those who control the guns often control the gold, the government, and the future of entire nations.

The post Mercenaries and Militias: Shadow Forces Shaping Africa’s Conflicts appeared first on African Leadership Magazine.

Menfi reiterated the enduring challenges Libya faces, primarily stemming from over a decade of conflict, political instability, and foreign interference, which have sought to exploit the country’s resources. Since the outbreak of civil unrest in 2011, Libya has experienced severe disruptions to its governance structures, with rival factions vying for control over key institutions. This has led to significant loss of life, economic devastation, and persistent insecurity.

Menfi highlighted the complex political divisions that have emerged since the fall of Muammar Gaddafi’s regime in 2011, exacerbated by foreign meddling and the creation of parallel governments. Following the 2011 uprising, Libya split into warring factions, primarily between the Tripoli-based Government of National Accord (GNA) and the eastern House of Representatives (HoR), led by military commander Khalifa Haftar.

Despite efforts such as the 2021 ceasefire and the formation of the Government of National Unity (GNU), the struggle for political and territorial control continues. Elections intended for 2021 were indefinitely postponed due to disputes over candidate eligibility and the scope of presidential powers.

This unrest has also affected Libya’s role as a key transit point for migrants heading to Europe. Menfi emphasised the need for greater international collaboration to manage migration flows, noting that instability has made Libya vulnerable to terrorism and smuggling networks. Migrant rights remain a significant issue, with Libya’s detention centres often criticised by human rights organisations for inhumane conditions.

Menfi also stressed that Libya’s path to stability lies in a comprehensive political solution addressing financial, economic, and security concerns. He called for all stakeholders to engage in constructive dialogue free from foreign interference, while acknowledging the African Union’s support for national reconciliation efforts.

The effects of the Libyan conflict have been profound. Over 287,000 people have been displaced, with many more living under constant threat of violence. Libya’s vast oil reserves have often been at the centre of the conflict, with factions using control over oil fields as leverage in negotiations. Despite these challenges, Menfi reiterated Libya’s commitment to rebuilding trust and unity, urging national and international actors to support peacebuilding initiatives.

While the journey towards peace in Libya is fraught with complexities, Menfi’s call for national unity and migrant protection is central to his vision for a stable and self-determined Libya. Continued efforts towards national reconciliation, coupled with international support, are key to addressing the root causes of Libya’s instability.

The post UNGA 2024: Libya’s President Calls for Migrant Rights Protection appeared first on African Leadership Magazine.

Here’s a spotlight on the major oil and gas producers in Africa:

Angola: A Rising Giant

According to the 2023 Monthly Oil Market Report (MOMR), “Angola recorded 1.06 million barrels per day (bpd) of crude production, up from 972,000 bpd recorded.” Angola has surged to the forefront of African oil production, surpassing Nigeria in recent years.  Also, reports from Energy Capital & Power, Also, reports from Energy Capital & Power, Angola’s oil production rose to 1.175 million bpd, up from 1.162 million bpd in 2022. This impressive output is backed by substantial proven oil reserves exceeding 9 billion barrels.  The Angolan government is actively working to unlock the full potential of its hydrocarbon sector through new exploration initiatives and policy reforms.  A six-year licensing round aims to attract investment and expertise for further exploration, while policy changes aim to streamline operations and incentivize production growth.

Nigeria: A Long-Standing Leader

In recent years, Nigeria has recorded a surge in pipeline vandalism and crude oil theft incidents in its oil-producing region, a development that worsened the nation’s revenue challenge but the nation has remained a significant player in African oil production, despite Angola’s recent rise.  In 2022, Nigeria produced an estimated 1.02 million bpd.  With a long history of oil exploration and development, Nigeria boasts proven oil reserves exceeding 36 billion barrels. 2023 Monthly Oil Market Report (MOMR) reports stated that an output of 999,000 bpd in April compared to 1.3 million bpd in March. The April output figure represented the lowest production rate the nation has recorded in 2023. Despite these hurdles, Nigeria is actively seeking to diversify its oil and gas sector, with a growing focus on natural gas production and utilization.

Algeria: A North African Powerhouse

North Africa is well-represented among Africa’s top oil and gas producers. Algeria holds the third position, producing approximately 970,000 bpd in 2022.  Algeria also boasts significant natural gas reserves, making it a major supplier to Europe.  The country’s hydrocarbon sector is a crucial source of revenue for the government, funding social programs and infrastructure development.  However, Algeria, like other oil-dependent economies, faces the challenge of diversifying its revenue streams in the face of a potentially fluctuating oil market.

Libya: A Nation with Immense Potential

Algeria is among the leading oil producers and exporters worldwide. Amounting to over 12 billion barrels, its proven crude oil reserves are the third-largest in Africa after those of Libya- Statista.com reports. Libya’s oil production capacity is substantial, with estimates suggesting a potential output.  However, political instability and ongoing conflict have hampered production in recent years.  In 2022, Libya’s oil production averaged around 946,000 bpd.  Despite these challenges, Libya holds significant proven oil reserves exceeding 48 billion barrels, making it a country with immense potential once stability is restored.

Egypt: A Longstanding Producer with Diversified Resources

Egypt has a long history of oil and gas exploration and production.  In 2022, the country produced an estimated 556,440 bpd of oil.  However, Egypt’s significance extends beyond oil, with the country also being a major producer of natural gas.  Recent discoveries of large natural gas fields in the Zohr region have bolstered Egypt’s position as a key energy player in the region.  The country is actively developing its natural gas infrastructure and export capabilities, aiming to become a major supplier to Europe and beyond.

Republic of the Congo

The Republic of Congo, also known as Congo-Brazzaville, holds a significant position among African oil producers.  Production estimates for 2022 suggest an output of around 350,000 bpd.  The country’s oil wealth plays a crucial role in its economy, but concerns exist regarding revenue distribution and the need for diversification.  The government is increasingly focusing on developing its natural gas resources and utilizing its oil revenue for infrastructure development and social programs.

Equatorial Guinea: A Smaller Player with Big Impact

Equatorial Guinea, despite its relatively small size, is a significant oil producer in Africa.  Estimates suggest the country produced around 120,000 bpd of oil in 2022.  Oil revenue has fueled rapid economic growth in Equatorial Guinea, but challenges remain regarding income inequality and sustainable development.  The government is exploring ways to leverage its oil wealth for broader economic development and improve living standards for its citizens.

Gabon: A Mature Oil Producer

Gabon is a mature oil producer in Africa, with a long history of exploration and development.  Production estimates for 2022 suggest an output of around 180,000 bpd.  While oil remains a significant contributor to Gabon’s economy, the country is actively seeking diversification to reduce its dependence on a single resource.  This includes exploring its natural gas reserves and investing in renewable energy sources to meet future energy needs.

South Sudan: A Newcomer with Growing Potential

South Sudan, having gained independence in 2011, is a relatively new entrant in the oil and gas production scene in Africa.  Despite ongoing challenges, the country boasts substantial oil reserves estimated at over 3.6 billion barrels. Production in 2022 is estimated at around 161,000 bpd.  South Sudan’s oil sector plays a crucial role in its economic development, but achieving political stability and managing oil revenue effectively will be essential for long-term prosperity.

Ghana: A Rising Star in West Africa

Ghana’s emergence as an oil producer in 2010 marked a significant development for the West African nation.  Production estimates for 2022 suggest an output of around 200,000 bpd.  The discovery of the Jubilee Field in 2007 propelled Ghana into the ranks of oil-producing countries.  The government is working to leverage its oil revenue for infrastructure development, education, and healthcare, while also exploring its natural gas reserves for domestic use and potential export.

READ ALSO: AfDB’s stride on Education: Nigeria, Malawi in focus

Additionally, in terms of overall production, Africa produced around 332 million metric tons of oil, which included crude oil, shale oil, oil sands, and natural gas liquids (NGLs). Despite a slight decrease from the previous year, oil remains a vital economic driver for these countries.

When it comes to exports, Nigeria was not only the largest producer but also the largest crude oil exporter in Africa. Algeria and Libya also had substantial export volumes, contributing to North and West Africa’s nearly 10% share of the global oil exports.

While oil and gas remain dominant players in Africa’s energy sector, the future is likely to see a shift towards diversification.  The growing focus on renewable energy sources like solar and wind power, along with the increasing importance of natural gas for cleaner electricity generation, points towards a more balanced energy mix. Additionally, there’s a growing need for African nations to address environmental concerns associated with oil and gas production.

The post The place of Africa in global oil and gas production appeared first on African Leadership Magazine.

Lessons Learned Over the Years

Importance of Inclusive Transition:  The immediate joy upon Gaddafi’s downfall obscured the absence of a well-defined strategy for the post-conflict transition. National reconciliation was impeded by the exclusion of particular communities from the political process, which stoked anger.  For instance, continuing tensions were exacerbated by the marginalization of eastern tribes. In light of this, future initiatives must be inclusive, taking into account a range of viewpoints and resolving local issues.

Need for Strong Institutions:  Weak institutions are the legacy of Gaddafi’s autocratic regime. An unbiased judiciary and a powerful, professional military were lacking, which made it difficult to impose law and security. This void made room for the growth of armed militias, which further destabilized the nation.  Long-term stability depends on funding capacity building for agencies like the courts and police.

The Centrality of Security: The growth of armed organizations was encouraged by the inability to remove Gaddafi from his enormous arsenal of weaponry.  These militias constituted a significant barrier to peace as they competed for resources and authority. The attempt to establish a central authority was further impeded by the absence of a cohesive national army.  Building a professional national army while giving priority to these militias’ disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) initiatives is essential for security.

Economic Diversification: Libya is susceptible to changes in the price of oil due to its reliance on the commodity. Existing economic problems were made worse by the oil crisis of 2014.  Investing in non-oil industries like tourism and agriculture helps diversify the economy, lessen dependency on a single resource, and generate jobs.

The Function of Regional Players: Foreign involvement in Libya has shown both advantages and disadvantages. Although Gaddafi was overthrown by the NATO intervention in 2011, instability was exacerbated by the absence of a clear post-conflict strategy from regional and international players.  Subsequently, regional entities such as the African Union and adjacent countries might assume a pivotal role in enabling communication and advocating for a solution that belongs to Libya.

Challenges Ahead:

National Reconciliation and Unity:  Deep divisions remain between rival factions in Libya. The east-west divide persists, fueled by historical grievances and competition for resources.  Facilitating dialogue and finding a power-sharing arrangement that incorporates all stakeholders is crucial for national unity. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) established in 2019 offers a potential avenue for addressing past injustices and fostering healing.

Security Sector Reform:  Integrating militias into a unified national army remains a challenge.  Mistrust and competition for power hinder progress.  Offering militias clear incentives for integration and providing alternative livelihoods are vital components of successful security sector reform.

Constitutional and Electoral Reforms:  The 2014 elections failed to produce a stable government. Inconsistencies and ambiguities in the constitution further complicate the political landscape.  Addressing these issues through a transparent and inclusive process is critical for holding credible elections and establishing a legitimate government.

Economic Recovery and Development:  Years of conflict and instability have battered Libya’s economy.  Reconstruction efforts, coupled with economic diversification, are essential for job creation and improving the lives of Libyans.  Attracting foreign investment requires creating a secure and business-friendly environment.

Countering Terrorism:  The power vacuum in Libya has provided a haven for terrorist groups like ISIS. Securing the borders and dismantling terrorist networks requires a multifaceted approach, including collaboration with regional and international partners.

Some international Corporations have also shown support over the years, for instance;

The United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL): This UN mission plays a crucial role in facilitating dialogue between Libyan factions and supporting the political process.  However, its effectiveness has been hampered by internal divisions and external pressure. Continued international support for UNSMIL is necessary for its success.

The European Union:  The EU can play a key role in supporting economic reconstruction and development efforts in Libya. Investing in infrastructure projects and promoting trade can foster long-term stability.

The road ahead for Libya is paved with both challenges and opportunities. The younger generation, a significant portion of the population, holds the key to the country’s future.  Investing in education and creating opportunities for youth participation in the political and economic spheres can foster a more democratic and prosperous Libya.  Embracing technology and innovation can create new avenues for economic growth and development.

Libya’s journey towards stability is far from over. The lessons learned from the past, coupled with a concerted effort to address the remaining challenges, offer a path toward a brighter future.  The success of this endeavor will not only benefit Libya but also serve as an inspiration for other nations striving for democracy and peace.

The post Libya: Lessons Learned and Challenges Ahead appeared first on African Leadership Magazine.

One such memory involves the celebration of African personalities who distinguished themselves in various spheres of life.

At the forefront of this is the African Leadership Organisation which is renowned for promoting excellence in leadership across the African continent and beyond.

As is tradition with the organisation, it announced some notable Africans as winners of its prestigious persons of the year 2022 in different categories.

In this piece, we will be profiling the winners of the 11th African Leadership Magazine Persons of the year 2022.

1. AFRICAN OF THE YEAR 2022

H.E DR. JULIUS MAADA BIO.

Julius Maada Bio is the current president of Sierra Leone.

Born on 12th May 1964, President Bio completed his primary, secondary and undergraduate education in Sierra Leone after which he ventured into the public service as a teacher before joining the Sierra Leone Army where he rose through the ranks to the position of Brigadier.

He served in various capacities as ;

Chief Secretary of State, Chief of Defense Staff, Minister of Information, Minister of Marine Resources, Deputy Head of State, and ultimately Head of State of Sierra Leone from January to March 1996.

As Head of State in 1996, President Bio presided over the conduct of the first democratic elections in Sierra Leone in nearly three decades.

Presently in Sierra Leone, President Julius Maada Bio is popularly referred to as the “Father of Democracy” because of his outstanding contribution towards the restoration of democracy and attainment of peace in the country.

2. AFRICAN FEMALE LEADER OF THE YEAR 2022

Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala.

Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala is the seventh Director-General of the World Trade Organisation, WTO.

Dr. Okonjo-Iweala is a global finance expert, an economist, and an international development professional with over 30 years of experience which spans across continents.

She has served on the boards of various organisations such as Gavi, the Vaccine Alliance, Standard Chartered PLC and Twitter Incorporated.

Dr. Okonjo-Iweala was a two-time Finance Minister in her home country, Nigeria, and also served as Minister of Foreign Affairs.

She had a career with the World Bank spanning 25 years as a development economist where she rose to the position of Managing Director, Operations.

3. AFRICAN EDUCATIONIST OF THE YEAR 2022

Dr. GETRUDE NWANGALA AKAPELWA.

Dr. Gertrude Nwangala Akapelwa is the Founder and Vice-Chancellor of the Victoria Falls University of Technology, Zambia which she helped establish in 2002.

Dr. Akapelwa has 49 years of working experience in leadership, strategic management, and operational functions in various key sectors of the economy.

She served as the Chairperson of the Zambia ICT Authority Board, the regulator of the ICT sector in Zambia and also served the African Development Bank (ADB) in different capacities for 23 years, in Ivory Coast and Tunisia.

4. AFRICAN INDUSTRIALIST OF THE YEAR 2022.

Patrice Motsepe.

Patrice Tlhopane Motsepe is a South African businessman and entrepreneur.

He is the Founder and Executive Chairman of African Rainbow Minerals, ARM.

Motsepe made his fortune through mining interests which expanded to a successful multifaceted mining company, ARM, which has investments in gold, ferrous metals, base metals, and platinum.

He sits on several company boards, including being the non-executive chairman of Harmony Gold, the world’s 12th-largest gold mining company while his firm, African Rainbow Minerals, controls 19.8 percent of Harmony.

5. AFRICAN POLITICAL LEADER OF THE YEAR 2022.

H.E. Hakinde Hichilema, President of Zambia.

Hakainde Hichilema popularly referred to as President H.H. is the current Zambian President.

The 50-year-old businessman came into power in 2021 after having contested five previous elections in 2006, 2008, 2011,2015, and 2016.

Under his leadership, Zambia has recorded several successes, from the introduction of free education at the primary and secondary levels to a substantial increase in the Constituency Development Fund to upholding the rule of law and respecting human rights and freedoms.

6. AFRICAN PHILANTHROPIST OF THE YEAR 2022.

Tsitsi Masiyiwa.

Tsitsis Masiyiwa is a social entrepreneur devoted to empowering young Africans with educational opportunities and access to technology.

She is the Executive Chairperson and co-founder of Higher Life Foundation Zimbabwe.

In the last two decades, Masiyiwa through the Higher life Foundation has supported the education of over 250,000 vulnerable students in Zimbabwe, Burundi, and Lesotho.

She is also the lead organizer of the African Gender Initiative, a network targeted at uniting African philanthropists behind the common goal of advancing gender equality across the continent.

7. EMERGING AFRICAN LEADER OF THE YEAR 2022.

Emma Theophilus.

Emma Theophilus is the Deputy Minister of Information, Communication, and Technology, in Namibia.

Her appointment as deputy Minister came at age 23 making her one of Africa’s youngest ministers.

She is a board member of Namibia’s National Council for Higher Education and has a law degree from the University of Namibia as well as a Diploma in African Feminism and gender studies from the University of South Africa.

8. AFRICA PEACE & SECURITY LEADER OF THE YEAR 2022.

Yankuba Drammeh.

Yankuba Drammeh is a Gambian military officer and is also the current Chief of Defence Staff of Gambia.

His military career saw him rise to the rank of Brigadier General and Deputy Chief of Defence Staff before he was dismissed from the army by Yahya Jammeh on 30th November 2009 but was later reinstated in December of the same year as a Major General after being cleared of any wrongdoing.

Reassigned from the military, Drammeh also served his country in the diplomatic service as Ambassador to Turkey and then as Consul-General in New York before going back to the military.

9. AFRICAN ENERGY LEADER OF THE YEAR 2022

Patricia Simon-Hart.

Patricia Simon-Hart is the founder and Managing Director of Aftrac Limited, an oil and gas service company that has been operational for over 20 years.

She is also the Secretary to the Executive Board of the Petroleum Technology Association of Nigeria (PETAN), and a co-founder and Vice President of Women in Energy Network.

Patricia has over 30 years of experience in Management, Public Policy, and Administration. She began her career in the Information and Communications Technology sector after which she set out to establish her own oil service company.

The post The African Leadership Magazine Persons of the Year Profile Compilation appeared first on African Leadership Magazine.

Tunisian Foreign Affairs Minister, Othman Jerandi recently held a phone conversation with Italian Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs Antonio Tajani to discuss bilateral ties and some Issues bordering on immigration.
This was made known in a statement released by Tunisian ministry of Foreign Affairs to the media in which Jerandi confirmed that the dynamism of Tunisian-Italian relations is within the framework of supporting the strategic partnership between the two countries.
“Since 2021, Italy has become Tunisia’s top investor in energy and the second-largest foreign investor, with 901 Italian companies operating in Tunisia with high capacity”, Jerandi said.

The two countries’ cooperation was strengthened by the announcement of an electricity interconnection project by sea between Tunisia and Italy, known as the ELMED Mediterranean power interconnector project, whose funding amounts to 307.6 million euros (around $331 million).

The two ministers also discussed opportunities for closer cooperation against illegal immigration and setting up mechanisms to encourage legal migration.

Italy and Tunisia have earlier agreed on a cooperation framework that respects Tunisia’s sovereignty to counter immigrations that may not be legal.

The Northern most country in African, Tunisia, is bordered by Algeria to the west and southwest, Libya to the southeast and the Mediterranean Sea to the north and east, at the opposite side of the Mediterranean Sea across the Atlantic Ocean is Italy, hence the common usage of Tunisian’s coast to migrate to Italy in ways considered to be risky.

The post Tunisia reveals business, Immigration discussion with Italy. appeared first on African Leadership Magazine.