Private military outfits provide a range of services to African states, including combat training, intelligence gathering, and logistical support. Some governments employ them to bolster their armies, while others rely on them to secure private investments such as mining operations and oil fields. Reports indicate that the use of private military companies (PMCs) in Africa has surged by over 60% in the past decade, underscoring their growing influence on the continent’s security landscape.

READ ALSO: A Deep Dive into Africa’s Security Challenges: Threats and Solutions

This rise in private security forces coincides with an increase in global military spending. In 2023, world military expenditure reached a record-breaking $2.44 trillion, marking a 6.8% rise—the steepest year-on-year increase since 2009. Africa’s share of this spending stood at $51.6 billion, reflecting a 22% increase from 2022 and a 1.5% rise compared to 2014. These numbers highlight the growing militarisation of the continent, where both national armies and private security forces are playing increasingly significant roles in shaping security dynamics.

How Mercenaries Profit from Chaos

War is big business, and nowhere is this truer than in Africa. According to a report by the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation (CSVR), the global private security industry is worth over $200 billion, with a significant portion of that revenue flowing into conflict-ridden African states. A Business Research Insights report values the private security market at $247.75 billion in 2024, projected to reach $385.32 billion by 2032, growing at a compound annual growth rate (CAGR) of 5.7%.

In Libya, the Russian paramilitary group Wagner has provided direct combat support to various factions, altering the course of the civil war. The Wagner Group, also active in the Central African Republic (CAR) and Sudan, has been accused of human rights violations, including summary executions and forced labour, as documented by Amnesty International. A force of about 1,200 to 2,000 Wagner operatives, along with some 300 elite Rwandan troops, reportedly halted the Coalition of Patriots for Change (CPC) rebel army from capturing Bangui.

The extractive industries are a primary battleground for these shadow forces. Reports from Global Witness reveal that over 70% of conflicts in resource-rich African nations are linked to control over lucrative commodities such as gold, diamonds, and rare minerals. PMCs operating in Sierra Leone during the 1990s were instrumental in securing diamond mines, while in present-day Mozambique, mercenary groups have been hired to combat Islamist insurgents threatening the liquefied natural gas industry.

The Good Side of Shadow Forces: Security, Trade, and Political Protection

While often associated with instability, mercenaries and militias also play a crucial role in securing territories and stabilising fragile states. In several African countries, PMCs have successfully reinforced government forces, enabling them to counter insurgencies and restore order in volatile regions.

In Mozambique, private military firms were contracted to combat jihadist groups in Cabo Delgado, helping to reclaim key towns from insurgent control. Similarly, in Nigeria, mercenaries have been instrumental in the fight against Boko Haram, complementing the efforts of the national army. These shadow forces, although controversial, provide essential training and logistical support to government forces, strengthening their capacity to combat terrorism and organised crime.

Beyond security, these forces also protect vital trade routes, ensuring the safe transportation of goods and resources in areas prone to banditry and militancy. Some PMCs work alongside African governments to safeguard critical infrastructure, including mining sites and energy installations, fostering economic stability in regions that would otherwise be overrun by violence.

Moreover, in countries with fragile political systems, some militias and private forces have played a stabilising role, offering protection to politicians and high-ranking officials. In the Central African Republic, security firms have safeguarded government leaders against attempted coups, while in South Sudan, private security outfits have been used to protect foreign diplomats and investors.

State Power or Shadow Power?

Mercenaries and militias do not merely operate in the background; they often hold the levers of power. African politicians have increasingly relied on these forces to maintain control, sometimes at the expense of national sovereignty.
In the Central African Republic, Russian mercenaries have not only provided security services but have also shaped government policies. According to a UN report, military advisors linked to the Wagner Group have gained control over key government security structures, dictating the actions of the national army.

Similarly, in Sudan, paramilitary forces such as the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) have evolved from militias into political powerhouses. The RSF, which emerged from the notorious Janjaweed militia, has been involved in the country’s gold trade, amassing wealth and political influence. As the Sudanese crisis continues, the role of such groups in governance is a stark reminder of how shadow forces are redefining state authority.

Security or Instability?

While some argue that private military contractors provide much-needed stability in weak states, their presence often exacerbates conflict. The presence of foreign mercenaries can prolong wars, as seen in Libya, where external actors have prevented a decisive resolution to the ongoing strife.

Studies have found that in regions where PMCs operate, there is a 45% higher chance of prolonged conflict compared to those relying solely on national security forces. Moreover, human rights organisations, including Human Rights Watch, have raised alarms over the widespread abuses committed by these forces, from torture to civilian massacres.

Can the Shadow Forces Be Tamed?

The reliance on mercenaries and militias highlights deep-rooted structural weaknesses in African governance and security frameworks. If Africa is to curb the growing influence of these shadow forces, several measures must be considered. Strengthening national military institutions, enhancing regional cooperation, and enforcing stricter regulations on PMCs are essential steps.

The African Union has made some efforts in this regard, including the 1977 OAU Convention for the Elimination of Mercenarism in Africa. However, enforcement remains weak, and new strategies are required to tackle modern forms of private military influence.

Ultimately, Africa must decide whether to continue outsourcing its security to shadow forces or reclaim control over its destiny. The struggle is not merely about military power but about the sovereignty of nations and the future stability of the continent. As conflicts persist, one truth remains undeniable: those who control the guns often control the gold, the government, and the future of entire nations.

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Today, despite decades of independence, Africa’s political map still reflects this imposed fragmentation, stifling the dream of true unity. According to the African Union (AU), intra-African trade accounts for just 16% of the continent’s total trade volume—a stark contrast to Europe’s 68% and Asia’s 59%. This is not just a statistic; it is a reality that defines Africa’s fractured economic and political landscape.

READ ALSO: The Role of African Union in Promoting Intra-African Cooperation

African Union or African Disunion?

The AU, established in 2001 to replace the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), was envisioned as the bedrock for African solidarity. Yet, two decades later, the vision of a politically and economically integrated Africa remains elusive. While the AU has made strides in conflict resolution, notably in the Central African Republic and Sudan, its efforts are frequently hamstrung by nationalistic interests and external interference.

The 2019 signing of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) was heralded as a game-changer, promising a $3.4 trillion economic bloc (World Bank, 2021). However, logistical barriers, infrastructural deficits, and policy inconsistencies continue to hinder its full implementation. With only 47 out of 54 African nations having ratified the agreement (UNECA, 2024), scepticism lingers over whether Africa’s leaders are genuinely committed to dissolving the economic borders that inhibit progress.

Economic Fragmentation

Despite their collective wealth in natural resources, African economies remain fragmented. The lack of regional economic integration exacerbates Africa’s vulnerability to external shocks. The COVID-19 pandemic exposed this harsh reality, as African nations struggled to secure medical supplies due to over-reliance on foreign imports.

The World Trade Organisation (WTO) reported that Africa’s share in global trade remains at a dismal 2.7% (2023), a telling sign of the continent’s failure to harness its collective strength. In contrast, China, a single country, commands over 12% of global trade. This economic isolation is reinforced by infrastructural inadequacies; the African Development Bank (AfDB) estimates that Africa requires $130-$170 billion annually in infrastructure investments to bridge this gap. Without a unified economic strategy, Africa remains a patchwork of struggling economies rather than a formidable global player.

Political Fragmentation

African unity is further undermined by political fragmentation. Borders, drawn by European rulers with little regard for African realities, continue to ignite ethnic and territorial conflicts. The Tigray conflict in Ethiopia, the Anglophone crisis in Cameroon, and the perennial instability in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) all bear the imprint of colonial border legacies. According to the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED), Africa accounted for over 37% of global conflict events in 2023.

Despite initiatives such as the AU’s “Silencing the Guns” agenda, political instability remains a formidable roadblock to unity. Without addressing the underlying causes of these conflicts, many of which stem from historical injustices tied to borders, Africa will struggle to achieve genuine unity.

The Cultural Paradox

Africa is a continent of deep cultural connectivity. With over 2,000 languages spoken and shared historical narratives, the foundation for unity is stronger than its artificial borders suggest. The Swahili language, spoken by over 200 million people, has been championed as a potential unifying linguistic bridge (UNESCO, 2023). Yet, linguistic divisions, reinforced by colonial legacies, persist. Francophone, Anglophone, and Lusophone nations often engage more with their former colonial masters than with their African neighbours.

The push for cultural re-Africanisation, including initiatives to revive indigenous governance systems and promote pan-African education, remains an untapped resource in forging a truly united continent.

Between Idealism and Pragmatism

Can Africa ever achieve true unity? The answer lies in a blend of idealism and pragmatism. A complete erasure of borders is unrealistic; however, redefining these borders to transform them from barriers into bridges is achievable. Economic integration through full implementation of AfCFTA, political coordination through stronger AU governance mechanisms, and infrastructural interconnectivity via projects like the Trans-African Highway Network (AU, 2023) can pave the way for a more unified Africa.
Moreover, decolonising the African mindset—embracing an identity beyond imposed nationalities and fostering a pan-African consciousness—is essential.

The Dawn of a Borderless Mindset

As Africa stands at the crossroads of unity and fragmentation, the need for a borderless mindset is more critical than ever. An African proverb reminds us that when spider webs unite, they can tie up a lion. If African nations can weave together their economies, policies, and cultures, they can subdue the lion of disunity that has long hindered progress.

True unity may not mean the dissolution of borders but rather transcending them—a unity not just of geography but of purpose, vision, and destiny.

The question remains: will Africa rise above the scars of colonial cartography and chart a new path for itself? The answer lies not in external interventions but in the collective will of its people and leaders to turn the dream of unity into reality.

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Adam could not immediately be reached for comment. A spokesperson for the court said a lawyer had not yet been named for him.

Adam was a leader of the mostly Muslim “Seleka” militia groups that seized power in 2013-2014 as part of the country’s long-running civil war, ousting then-President Francois Bozize.
Former leaders of both the Seleka and opposing Christian militias known as “Anti-Balaka” face charges at the ICC.

In the unsealed 2019 warrant, an ICC judge wrote that he had reasonable grounds to believe Adam was “responsible for crimes against humanity, committed as part of a widespread and systematic attack against the civilian population, namely imprisonment or other severe deprivation of physical liberty, torture, persecution, and other inhumane acts”.

A statement by the court announcing the warrant had been unsealed and said Adam had served as the country’s Minister of Security between March 31 and Aug. 22 2013. It said the alleged crimes took place at detention centres in Bangui.

The court called on states and international organizations to assist in arresting and extraditing Adam, who is estimated to be around 52 years old.

Adam’s case is linked to that of another suspect already in custody at the ICC — Mahamat Said Abdel Kani.

Said, who has denied wrongdoing, is also accused of overseeing beatings and mistreatment of prisoners suspected of supporting Bozize at prisons in Bangui.

His arrest warrant was issued on the same day as Adam’s, Jan. 7, 2019, also under seal.

Said was arrested in January 2021 and transferred to The Hague, where charges against him were confirmed in December. He is awaiting trial.

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After decades of conflict, the C.A.R. became the first in Africa and only the second in the world to adopt bitcoin as an official currency last month.

So far, the government has provided little information about the logistics of its bitcoin vision.

The soon-to-be-launched “SANGO” crypto initiative has a website where interested investors can sign up for a waiting list.

“The formal economy is no longer an option.

“An impenetrable bureaucracy is keeping us stuck in systems that do not give a chance to be competitive,” President Faustin-Archange Touadera said in a statement on Monday.
There was no word on when the investment hub would open or function.

The adoption of bitcoin in a country where internet use is low, and electricity is unreliable raised eyebrows among cryptocurrency experts, perplexed lawmakers and residents of the gold and diamond-producing country, and drew warnings from the International Monetary Fund.

Central Africa’s regional banking regulator for the six-nation Economic and Monetary Community of Central Africa also issued a reminder about its cryptocurrency ban, stating that the ban was in place to ensure financial stability.

The post C.A.R to Launch Bitcoin Investment Platform Called ‘Sango’ appeared first on African Leadership Magazine.

The Banking Commission of Central Africa (COBAC), which regulates the banking sector in the six-nation Economic and Monetary Community of Central Africa (CEMAC), said the prohibition was meant to ensure financial stability.

The announcement came as cryptocurrencies nursed significant losses on Friday after the collapse of TerraUSD, a so-called stablecoin, rippled through markets.

The Central African Republic’s presidency announced on April 27 that bitcoin had been made legal tender, making it only the second country to do so after El Salvador.

Analysts and crypto experts said they were puzzled by the move in one of the world’s poorest nations where internet use is low; conflict is widespread and unreliable electricity.

The government has provided few details about its reasoning and questions remain about implementation.

Reached by phone on Friday, government spokesman Serge Ghislain Djorie told Reuters that the Central African Republic had received no official notice from the COBAC about a crypto ban, although he had seen the news in the press on social media.

“We are waiting for the document to be officially transmitted before responding. It must be understood that each state has sovereignty,” Djorie said.

The banking commission held a special meeting on May 6 to examine the impact of cryptocurrencies in the zone, it said in the statement on Friday.

“To guarantee financial stability and preserve client deposits, COBAC recalled certain prohibitions related to using crypto-assets in CEMAC,” it said.

These include the holding of cryptocurrencies of any kind, the exchange, conversion or settlement of transactions relating to cryptocurrencies, and a bar on them being used to evaluating assets or liabilities.

“COBAC has decided to take several measures to set up a system for identifying and reporting operations related to cryptocurrencies,” it added.

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A top militant and three others were killed in Central African Republic when a U.N. helicopter fired on fighters advancing towards the town of Bambari, a rebel group said on Sunday.

The UN’s mission known as MINUSCA shot at fighters from the Popular Front for the Renaissance of Central African Republic (FPRC), on Saturday after they crossed a “red line” it had set north of the town, said spokesman Vladimir Monteiro.

“We were looking to prevent war in Bambari,” he said, referring to the town about 250 km (155 miles) northeast of the capital Bangui.

A death toll had not yet been established, he added.

The FPRC is the largest group within a mostly Muslim rebellion formerly known as Seleka which ousted then-President Francois Bozize in 2013.

Months of reprisal killings between Muslims and Christians ensued, resulting in thousands of deaths, until elections last year ushered in relative calm.

“MINUSCA used air strikes yesterday against our fighters near Ippy,” said Azor Kanite, the FPRC’s deputy commander. “Our top commander (Joseph Zonduko) and three civilians were killed by the bombings,” he added.

Despite multiple attempts to promote dialogue and disarmament between fighters in the aftermath of last year’s polls, flare-ups in the former French colony are common.

Since November, FPRC fighters have been fighting the mostly Fulani Union for Peace in Central Africa (UPC) around Bambari, killing dozens and displacing around 20,000 people.

The U.N.’s top genocide official said in November that the FPRC had singled out ethnic Fulani in the town of Bria, carrying out house-to-house searches, killing, looting and abducting residents.

By Reuters

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By Nicolas Pinault

The president of the Central African Republic says he wants the United Nations to lift the arms embargo on his country.

In an interview Wednesday with VOA’s French to Africa service, Faustin-Archange Touadera said the embargo, imposed in 2013, was once justified but argued, “It is no longer the case.”

“There have been elections, a legitimate government was formed, as [was] the National Assembly,” he said. “We are putting in place democratic institutions and we cannot have an army without weapons.”

Touadera said he wants to rebuild the armed forces. “I want a national, professional and multi-ethnic army in which all Central Africans will recognize. That’s our ambition.”

Touadera won the presidential election in February, after three years of instability and sectarian violence sparked by the overthrow of former President Francois Bozize.

The humanitarian situation in the country is still a major concern. According to the U.N. humanitarian agency OCHA, some 2.3 million people need humanitarian assistance.

“We are at a critical moment,” Touadera said. “If not careful, there are risks that we fall back in this situation. This is why we came here to advocate in Washington, with the World Bank, with USAID to request support. We want to break this cycle of crisis every 10 years to lay a solid foundation in central Africa.”

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By Laura Angela Bagnetto

Farmers in the Central African Republic are struggling to bounce back from years of intermittent violence, where smallholder female farmers were unable to tend their fields during the conflict. With support from local non-governmental organisations working from the grassroots level, women farmers are creating new opportunities to get back on their feet.

“This war affected rural women a lot, because they lost their farming equipment, they lost their husbands, their children, they lost everything,” says Odette Guerel-Baïlé, founder of Women, Flowers of the Central African Republic, an NGO working with female smallholder farmers nationwide.

Guerel-Baïlé, who trained in Japan, had set up a women-only rice collective in Bossangoa, some 325 kilometres north of the capital, Bangui. Bossangoa is just one of the towns hit hard during the CAR crisis that kicked up in late 2012, where death and internal displacement became the norm for Central Africans trying to flee from the sectarian and political violence.

“In Bangui, we have a site for selling on the PK45 road to Bouali, but because of all the events, the women are depressed right now, so we haven’t gone back,” says Guerel-Baïlé, referring to one of the neighbourhoods in Bangui.

The difficulty is starting from scratch. Even trusting neighbours can be problematic. The UN’s Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) has stressed that the agricultural sector needs to reintegrate vulnerable people, youths, and farming families to improve their production. It is a formula put to good use by Meraline Donko, the president of Sala Naita, “Working with your Neighbour” in Sango, one of the country’s national languages.

“When we started with our present group, there were orphans, adults and the elderly, from 13 up to age 55,” says Donko, in a country where life expectancy is 54 years for women, 51 for men.

Sala Naita, a micro group of 30 farmers, grow peanuts and lettuce, which is irrigated from a nearby canal. Work is delegated by Donko according to age, where the younger workers pull weeds and learn from the elder participants, who have a more advisory role.

“There are young people who we teach to farm, to show them that you can get on in life by doing this work, instead of stealing or robbing people,” Donko tells RFI, sitting next to one of the peanut patches. “For the older people too, there are those who show the younger ones so they understand how to work, because the youth get disillusioned,” she adds.

The hierarchy works well, especially for Pimprenelle Lacourse, a young mother who heads the technical department of Sala Naita. She likes the work. “I’m really interested in this, because it helps us a lot and we love peanuts,” says Lacourse.

“The fact that I’m in charge helps me too. I say this because now I’m around mothers who I think work even harder in the corn and peanut fields,” she adds.

Peanut sellers walk around the markets in downtown Bangui with their home-grown wares wrapped in small plastic bags; but businesswomen need to have basic mathematics and reading skills in order to conduct sales. Many women never went to school, so they have to give their vegetables to their husbands or others to sell. Less than 25 per cent of the female adult population in the country over the age of 15 can read and write, according to the UN’s Environmental, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO).

Empowering women to take control of their business is a key aim of the Central African Women’s Association for the Fight Against Illiteracy (AFCLA), a non-governmental organisation founded in 2001 by Léa Ngaidama.

“We teach operational literacy-it’s tied to their daily lives, for them to take charge of their own businesses,” says Ngaidama. The program is structured on three levels, with the first teaching women to read and write in Sango over a six-month period, where they learn vocabulary and mathematics according to their needs as small-scale farmers. Level two is a complimentary course, where students add to their knowledge. Upon completion, the women can read and write. Level three concentrates on testing women in everyday situations that they might encounter.

Those who graduate in Sango have the option to take the same programme in French.

AFCLA’s targeted literacy course has educated some 10,000 women throughout the country and has additional positive effects. Although female farmers have a hard time trying to juggle working in the field, children, and daily household tasks, the programme is flexible, to allow a farmer to make up a day if harvesting or taking care of a sick child becomes a priority.

“Usually at the beginning, the husband doesn’t want his wife going to class, but he gradually sees how her progress can also help at home. He sees that things are better for his wife and he starts to trust her,” says Ngaidama. “When his wife goes to school, he knows that she is learning. And the children must help out around the house, that’s often what happens.”

Easing the burden of female farmers’ backbreaking manual labour is not lost on the Central African Republic’s Agriculture Minister Honoré Feizoure, who hopes to bring the sector into the 21st century.

“Our vision, under the new government of Professor [President Faustin-Archange] Touadera, is to modernise the agricultural sector. We must mechanize agriculture to lighten the load of working women,” he says.

The FAO has urged the new government to make agriculture a priority, noting the “alarming” deterioration of CAR’s food security situation during the past year. Feizoure says that the country needs to work past the immediate needs and concentrate on long-term development goals.

“I truly hope that all the partners who have greatly supported the Central African Republic during the emergency period won’t leave us when we pass from emergency to development to stabilise the agricultural sector,” says Feizoure, who sees food insecurity as having contributed to the country’s conflict.

“When you stabilise agriculture and maintain food security, you’ll have security in general in the Central African Republic,” he adds.

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The Central African Republic’s interim parliament is meeting to elect a new president, amid continuing violence.

Eight candidates are running for the post following the forced resignation of ex-leader Michel Djotodia on 11 January.

Mr Djotodia resigned last month over his failure to end religious conflict that hit CAR since he seized power in a rebellion last March.

Two Muslims were killed and burnt in the capital Bangui on Sunday.

Nearly a million people have been forced from their homes – 20% of the population – by the conflict between Muslims and Christians.

Mr Djotodia resigned under pressure from regional leaders and the former colonial power, France, over his failure to curb the conflict.

The mayor of the capital, Bangui, and two sons of former presidents are among candidates contesting the presidency.

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