According to the Inter-Parliamentary Union’s database, African countries are now among the global leaders in the number of women in national parliaments, showcasing a commitment to fostering gender-balanced governance. Rwanda, in particular, has emerged as a frontrunner, with over 60% of its parliamentary seats occupied by women—setting an inspiring example for the rest of the world.

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A New Era of Gender Balance

Rwanda’s achievement is not an isolated phenomenon; it reflects a broader trend across the continent, as countries increasingly recognise the importance of inclusive leadership. South Africa, for instance, boasts 44.7% female representation in its 387 parliamentary seats, illustrating its commitment to gender equity. Cabo Verde follows closely with 44.4%, while Ethiopia has 41.9% of its 482 parliamentary seats held by women. These figures not only reflect progress but also highlight the potential for transformative governance that prioritises diverse voices.

Other notable examples include Senegal (41.2%), Namibia (40.6%), and Mozambique (39.2%), all of which demonstrate a concerted effort to integrate women into political decision-making. Angola, Burundi, and Tanzania are also making strides, with women occupying significant portions of parliamentary seats.

Persistent Challenges

Despite these encouraging advancements, significant obstacles continue to hinder women’s full inclusion in leadership roles. Deeply rooted cultural beliefs and systemic discrimination persist, creating an uneven playing field for women in politics. Traditional norms often portray politics as a male-dominated domain, which can undermine women’s credibility as leaders and decision-makers. This perception, coupled with entrenched biases, discourages many from pursuing political careers.

Moreover, the lack of institutional support remains a critical barrier. Many political parties still prioritise male candidates for leadership roles, often sidelining qualified women who could contribute meaningfully to governance. Weak institutional frameworks and insufficient policies to promote gender parity further exacerbate these inequalities, stalling progress towards equitable representation.

Towards a More Equitable Future

To build on the progress that has been made, concerted efforts must be directed towards dismantling these barriers. Initiatives that promote women’s leadership, offer mentorship programmes, and encourage political engagement among women can inspire the next generation of female leaders. Additionally, political parties must embrace diversity in candidate selection and actively implement policies that promote gender equity within their ranks.

As we celebrate the remarkable achievements of women in politics, we must also acknowledge the work that lies ahead. By fostering a culture of inclusivity and supporting female candidates, nations can harness the full potential of their populations. Gender-balanced governance is not just a moral imperative; it leads to more comprehensive and effective decision-making that benefits society as a whole.

The rise of women in politics represents a significant milestone in the quest for equality and justice. With countries like Rwanda leading the charge and numerous others across Africa making remarkable progress, the trajectory towards gender parity is undeniably promising. However, to realise a future where women’s voices are equally heard in governance, it is imperative to continue addressing the obstacles that persist. An empowered and inclusive political landscape will ultimately enrich democratic processes and serve the best interests of all citizens. As we look to the future, let us champion the call for equity and work diligently to ensure that women can thrive in leadership roles worldwide.

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According to the Global Gender Gap Report published by the World Economic Forum, Sub-Saharan Africa has made notable strides in closing the gender gap, improving by an overall 5.6 percentage points since 2006. This progress is evident as 21 out of 35 economies in the region rank within the top 100 globally. Namibia, in particular, stands out as a top-ten performer, showcasing the positive impact of gender-inclusive policies on economic outcomes.

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One key takeaway from the report is that the “Participation and Opportunity” index currently stands at 68.1%, reflecting significant advancements in labour-force participation and notable progress in women’s representation in technical and professional roles. Increasing women’s engagement in the workforce is not just a matter of equity; it is a crucial driver of economic growth.

Studies have consistently shown that bridging gender inequalities in labour force participation can lead to enhanced Gross Domestic Product (GDP). In many African economies, where agriculture and informal trading dominate, empowering women with access to education, financing, and technology can drive substantial increases in productivity. For instance, Rwanda has become a beacon of gender inclusion, with women playing vital roles in both governance and business, demonstrating that gender equality can be a catalyst for economic growth.

Investing in women’s economic participation has far-reaching benefits, particularly in poverty reduction. Women tend to reinvest up to 90% of their earnings back into their families and communities, improving access to education, healthcare, and overall living standards. Financial inclusion—through mechanisms such as bank accounts, mobile banking, and microloans—further enables women to start businesses and achieve financial independence. Expanding financial services targeted at women is crucial for accelerating economic transitions in the region.

The Global Gender Gap Report highlights African countries making strides in women’s economic participation. Liberia leads the way with an economic participation and opportunity index score of 0.874, ranking first globally. Botswana follows closely with a score of 0.854, ranking second. Other African nations in the top rankings include Eswatini (fourth globally), Togo (11th), Kenya (13th), Zimbabwe (14th), Burundi (15th), Namibia (17th), Madagascar (25th), and Ghana (30th). These countries demonstrate progress in promoting women’s economic empowerment and providing opportunities for women to participate in the workforce.

The advancements showcased by these nations reflect a growing recognition that empowering women is integral to economic development. However, much work remains to be done. Structural and societal barriers must be dismantled to ensure that women can participate fully in all sectors of the economy.

Achieving economic growth and sustainable development in Africa hinges on the active engagement of women. By fostering an environment where women can thrive economically, the continent will not only improve the lives of millions but also propel its economies to new heights. As we celebrate International Women’s Day, let us commit to championing gender equality and ensuring that women can unlock their full potential in every sphere of life.

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The WHO estimates a global shortage of 2.8 million physicians, with the most severe deficiencies occurring in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs). The unequal distribution of doctors is further worsened by the migration of healthcare professionals from LMICs to high-income countries (HICs). This large-scale migration has severe economic and social consequences, leading to increased mortality rates in LMICs due to inadequate medical personnel.

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The effects of this exodus are devastating. In many African nations, the doctor-to-patient ratio is alarmingly low. Ethiopia has just 0.2 doctors per 1,000 people, while Chad and Burundi struggle with ratios close to zero. In contrast, the United States boasts 2.6 doctors per 1,000 people. The result? Overcrowded hospitals, overworked medical staff, and preventable deaths.

Brain drain in Africa’s medical sector is not just a personnel crisis; it is an economic haemorrhage. A study by the British Medical Journal estimated that Africa loses around $2 billion annually due to doctor migration. Meanwhile, African doctors contribute approximately $2.7 billion to the UK economy and $846 million to the US. While Western countries benefit, Africa is left grappling with a chronic shortage of healthcare workers. The human cost is staggering—lower life expectancy, increased maternal and infant mortality, and the spread of preventable diseases.

Can Technology Bridge the Gap?

As African nations struggle to retain their doctors, technology offers a beacon of hope. Telemedicine, AI-driven diagnostics, and drone technology are transforming healthcare delivery across the continent.

Telemedicine

Telemedicine platforms are already improving healthcare accessibility. In Kenya, the telehealth platform MyDawa allows patients to consult doctors remotely, reducing pressure on understaffed hospitals. Rwanda has partnered with Babyl, an AI-driven telemedicine service enabling citizens to receive medical advice via mobile phones. These innovations help bridge the healthcare gap by bringing medical expertise to rural areas where doctors are scarce.

AI and Robotics

AI-powered solutions are emerging as powerful tools in diagnosing and managing diseases. South African startup Envisionit Deep AI uses artificial intelligence to analyse X-rays, helping radiologists diagnose diseases like tuberculosis more quickly and accurately. In Nigeria, 54gene leverages AI to advance genomic research, tailoring medical treatments to African genetic diversity.

Drones

Beyond agriculture, drone technology is revolutionising medical supply chains in Africa. In Ghana and Rwanda, drone service Zipline delivers blood, vaccines, and essential medicines to remote areas, reducing delays and saving lives. Nigeria is now piloting similar programmes to improve access to emergency medical supplies in hard-to-reach areas.

What Happens if Africa Fails to Act?

If the doctor migration crisis remains unchecked, the consequences could be catastrophic. The healthcare sector will continue to deteriorate, leading to higher mortality rates and outbreaks of preventable diseases. Economic losses will mount as countries invest millions in training doctors who ultimately serve foreign healthcare systems. Public frustration over inadequate healthcare could also fuel political instability.

How Africa Can Keep Its Doctors

The solution requires a multi-pronged approach. Improving salaries and working conditions is non-negotiable. Countries like Rwanda have made strides in retaining doctors by increasing pay and modernising hospitals. Investing in medical education and infrastructure is also critical. Governments must allocate more funding to healthcare facilities, ensuring that doctors have the resources they need to perform their duties effectively.

Tech integration should be a priority. Expanding telemedicine, AI-driven healthcare, and drone deliveries can ease the burden on overstretched medical workforces. The fusion of technology and healthcare in Africa is not just an option—it is a necessity. While technology cannot fully replace doctors, it can amplify their reach and effectiveness.

With strategic investments and policies that prioritise retention, Africa can transform its healthcare crisis into an opportunity for digital innovation. The question is no longer whether technology can solve the doctor shortage, but whether Africa is ready to embrace the future of healthcare.

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Recall the border was closed for about six years, first, it was amid political tensions and later during the COVID-19 pandemic.

Shingiro declared this during a press conference saying, Burundi would maintain its position of calling on Rwanda to return coup plotters who allegedly fled after trying to overthrow former President Pierre Nkurunziza in 2015.

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Yang disclosed this while speaking with Mozambican Assembly President, Esperanca Bias and Burundian Senate President Emmanuel Sinzohagera, via video link.

It was affirmed that China was willing to join hands with Mozambique to strengthen political trust and strategic communication to promote deeper partnership through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and International and Regional Affairs Coordination.

Further, Wang said the National Committee of the CPPCC desired to enhance friendly exchanges with the Assembly of Mozambique and expand communication and cooperation in the fields of culture, education, health, youth and women to lay a solid foundation of political, social and public opinion development.

In his remarks, Bias thanked China’s consistent support and help to Mozambique saying, the Assembly hoped to have further cooperation with the National Committee of the CPPCC.

Speaking with Sinzohagera, Wang said under the guidance of both leaders, China and Burundi should promote more practical cooperation to achieve political consensus.

China, alongside other African countries, has prepared to implement the Global Development Initiative and Global Security Initiative to safeguard the common interests of China, Africa and other developing countries.

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The Parliament announced this in a tweet saying, it had unanimously voted to approve former Minister of Security and Internal Affairs, Gervais Ndirakobuca following his nomination by Ndayishimiye.

Recall that Ndirakobuca who replaces Alain Guillaume Bunyoni is under EU sanctions for his role in quashing demonstrations during political unrest in 2015. Under the constitution, the president holds the country’s main executive power.

Last week, in an audio message that widely circulated widely in Burundi, Ndayishimiye said some people were trying to topple his government and warned them that they would fail.

Earlier, Mr President also accused some people of sabotaging his government by failing to solve the scarcity of critical commodities which influenced resentment among some Burundians.

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The 80MW project was started in February 2012 to supply electricity to the three countries by December 2021 but was extended by two years following procurement flaws that increased its cost by over 20 per cent.

The three governments received $468 million worth of grants and loans from multiple development partners, including the World Bank and the African Development Bank, for the project.

Taking over the one-year rotational chairmanship at the weekend, Tanzania’s Energy minister January Makamba said the project is expected to catalyse development in the three countries.

Each country is expecting 26MW to be added directly to its national grid.

“This project shows the willingness of these countries to use natural resources to bring about the development of their citizens,” said Mr Makamba.

Respective governments expect the project to help plug power supply deficits. Rwanda specifically banks on the project to help reach its 100 per cent electrification target by 2024.

The project is located at the Tanzania-Rwanda border, Rusumo Falls.

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Though sketchy details about the deployment have been released some security experts are concerned that Burundi like other DRC neighbours has its own security agenda.

It would be recalled that the East African Integration bloc agreed in June to send thousands of troops to help quell the violence in the region after the emergence of the rebel group M23.

Great Lakes Region security analyst Dismas Nkunda said the deployment of EAC troops is possible with the deployment of Burundi troops.

“It’s a welcome idea because we had a suspicion that most countries in the region had an interest in DRC, such as Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, and therefore, we had thought the only countries maybe would have deployed without conflict of interest would have been Tanzania, South Sudan and Kenya,” he said. “But now that Burundi has done it, it certainly means that eventually, a peacekeeping operation by the EAC is going to happen.”

But on Wednesday, suspected M23 rebels killed civilians and destroyed a hydropower plant under construction in North Kivu’s Virunga National Park.

It’s unclear what kind of structures the EAC regional force led by Kenya will be putting together to achieve its goal of defeating the rebel groups like M23 and other militia formations in the country.

According to a report released by the Burundi Human Rights Initiative, late last year, Burundi secretly sent hundreds of troops into the DRC to fight a weakened armed group called Red Tabara, which carried out attacks inside Burundi.

Imbonerakure, the Burundi ruling party’s youth wing, is accused of widespread atrocities against political opponents and the Burundi masses.

Carina Tertsakian, with the Burundi Human Rights Initiative, expresses concern that the regional mission does not seem to have a clear mandate.

“The main purpose of the unofficial Burundi military operation in DRC was to go after that rebel group,” she said. “Now, in the context of the regional force, it’s not clear what’s going to happen, not only in Burundi. There are other countries that are supposed to be sending troops. So, will each of these forces be allowed to just do what it wants and hunt down their particular opponents? In Burundi, this will be Red Tabara, in which case it would be in practice a continuation of what they have already been doing for the past eight months.”

The Kinshasa government has expressed displeasure with the neighbouring country’s alleged involvement in the armed conflict in Ituri, North and South Kivu provinces.

Congo has a formal agreement with Uganda to allow troops to fight alongside its military against the armed group, the Allied Democratic Forces.

Speaking at the Southern African Development Community summit this week in Kinshasa, DRC President Felix Tshisekedi thanked the regional community for its support of Rwanda.

Kinshasa does not want Rwanda to take part in the deployment for its support of M23, a claim denied by Kigali.

Tertsakian said Burundi is also partly to blame for the violence in eastern DRC.

“So, there’s been these kinds of tacit agreements, de-facto agreements on the part of Congolese to allow Burundians to go in there and effectively do what they want there,” she said. “[The] worry there is that compared, for example to Kenya or Tanzania, Burundi is a direct party to the conflict there.”

Security analyst Nkunda said he anticipates Rwanda will take part in the operation despite Kinshasa’s rejection.

“If now Burundi can, given that it has Red Tabara in DR Congo, am certainly sure even with M23 and the FDLR genocide whom Rwanda claims are in DRC, then even Rwanda can be able to deploy, and I think it’s the question of time,” he said.

Experts are worried that rights violations can occur as some of the forces pursue the rebel groups, and there is fear there might be no accountability in addressing abuses.

(VOA)

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Zongo noted with satisfaction that since the start of his mandate on April 1, Burundi’s return to the international scene had begun with the lifting of sanctions by the European Union, the United States, and others. In return, he said Burundi has begun interacting with international and regional actors.

Additionally, he said Burundi has made some progress on human rights. He noted that Burundian President Evariste Ndayishimiye has pardoned more than 5,000 people in detention and freed some journalists and civil society representatives, as well. He spoke through an interpreter.

“But despite this major progress achieved since 2020, additional efforts are still necessary for the area of fighting impunity, in beefing up institutions, notably in the justice sector, the police, and the army,” Zongo said. “In protecting the enjoyment of public freedoms and expanding the democratic space through effective participation of civil society and the media.”

Zongo said he intends to fulfil his mandate impartially and will examine documents from all sources regarding the human rights situation in Burundi.

However, he noted he only has access to partial information, achieved through secondary sources. That, he said, could tarnish the credibility and neutrality of his effort.

“From the height of this tribune, I would like to request of the Burundi authorities the possibility of interacting with them — visiting this brotherly country to better understand the realities on the ground, the country’s opportunities, as well as the challenges and priorities of that country.”

Burundi’s ambassador to the United Nations in Geneva, Renovat Tabu, said Burundi has achieved major progress in implementing reforms and promoting good governance, social justice, and freedom of expression.

He said his country was aware of the crucial role played by the council in reinforcing, promoting, and protecting human rights across the world. But he added that Burundi would not accept any mechanism or political attempts to interfere with the domestic affairs of sovereign states.

The comments effectively shut the door on Zongo visiting Burundi – at least for the time being.

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The report, part of UNCTAD’s Commodities at a Glance series, says that the coffee market continues to grow but both Ethiopia – the ancestral home of desirable Arabica varieties – and Burundi, where coffee has been a mainstay of the economy since the 1920s, can do more to take advantage of high-value niche markets and introduce measures to ensure the sustainability of supply.

“The report explores the latest developments in the coffee industry and examines the current state of coffee production and trade in East Africa, using the examples of Ethiopia and Burundi,” said Pamela Coke-Hamilton, director of the international trade and commodities division of UNCTAD. “The report analyses the importance of coffee in these economies regarding export earnings, farmers’ income and employment generation,” she said. “It also highlights the challenges of the coffee sector and suggests some potential answers, particularly regarding allowing producer countries to capture a greater share of this commodity’s value.”

Coffee in Burundi

The report found that in Burundi production is volatile, beset by weather cycles, ageing trees – often more than 40 years old – soil degradation, the absence of adequate farming practices and, to some extent, political instability. Together with tea, coffee exports account for 90% of Burundi’s foreign exchange earnings.

But because Burundi has proved it can produce excellent coffee that consumers want, there is every incentive to strengthen the hand of smallholder farmers through more organized cooperatives.

“Also, private investment, including through public-private partnerships, should be encouraged to modernize the sector and make it more competitive,” Ms. Coke-Hamilton said. “In this regard, Burundi should invest in market intelligence that helps stakeholders to understand better the factors associated with the growing demand in importing niche markets and build on the country’s reputation as a prized source of specialty coffees.”

Coffee in Ethiopia

Ethiopia faces a similar scenario, according to the report. The main problem remains the inconsistent quality of the coffee, with the prevalence of pests and diseases, climatic variability, poor agricultural practices, insufficient training of producers, and weaknesses in the organization and management of the value chain, the report said.

However, opportunities to improve the sector, particularly in the way growers are rewarded, also remain, the report points out. “Ethiopia has a natural abundance of coffee varieties, enabling it to benefit from market and product differentiation,” Ms. Coke-Hamilton said. “Indeed, the country has a significant comparative advantage in the production of organic coffee with over 90% being de factoorganic.”

More than 120 million people in the world rely on the coffee industry, including 25 million smallholders and coffee workers – half of whom live in Africa, the report notes.

Structural imbalance

However, as with most primary commodities, coffee remains characterized by an extended value chain which is only partially visible in producing countries – most of the value is captured by industrial roasters and distributors in consuming countries, namely developed countries, according to the report.

“In many coffee producing countries, particularly in Africa, the structural imbalance of the coffee value chain contributes to exacerbating rural poverty and its associated problems of food insecurity, low level of education, child labour, and rural-to-urban migration,” Ms. Coke-Hamilton said.

“This report is timely because coffee production is also threatened by climate change, which could severely reduce the land available for growing coffee.”

Other serious threats to the sustainability of coffee production in East Africa include the declining quality and productivity of the cultivars, increasing production costs, and a lack of interest from younger smallholders who have observed how generations before them have struggled to make a decent living from coffee farming.

Important measures need to be taken to ensure the sustainability of supply, particularly in the context of growing demand. Such measures could include building national capacities to improve coffee varieties, promoting better agricultural practices, improving the allocation of revenues from coffee among all value chain participants by, among others, increasing the share accruing to producers, and stimulating domestic consumption.

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